Lew culminates his series on President Dwight David Eisenhower, a liberal Democrat who posed as a conservative Republican, a “gatekeeper” positioned to prevent an America First renaissance in our politics and nation.
He emphasizes that the significance of the presidency might not be apparent considering it occurred in the allegedly “boring” 1950s. Eisenhower policies held the line for the “bipartisan consensus” which consisted of a continuation/expansion of New Deal policies at home and the building on an internationalist order abroad. More importantly, he contributed five justices to the most radical and destructive Supreme Court America has experienced, starting with his selection of Chief Justice Earl Warren.
At the same time Eisenhower led efforts that dealt several serious blows to the grassroots America First movement, including: 1) preventing frontrunner Robert Taft from becoming president on an America First platform; 2) the calculated destruction of anti-communist hero Sen. Joseph McCarthy; 3) the derailment of the popular Bricker Amendment to the Constitution to protect American sovereignty; 4) the sabotage of the Reese Committee investigation of the social engineering conspiracy against our country; 5) setting back grassroots GOP efforts to take and keep Congress a generation.
Links to the other episodes in the Eisenhower series are below. They cover all of the topics cited above and much more.
Eisenhower (1) “Gatekeepers” (HOD Episode 89)
Eisenhower (2) “Robert Taft, The Gatekeeper’s First Target” (HOD Episode 90)
Eisenhower (3) “Cast of Characters for a RINO presidency” (HOD Episode 94)
Eisenhower (4) “Two Ike Wins for Our Corporate Masters” (HOD Episode 95)
Eisenhower (5) “Ike vs Joe McCarthy, Pt. 1” (HOD Episode 96)
Eisenhower (6) “Ike vs McCarthy, Pt. 2 (HOD Episode 99)
Eisenhower (7) “Communist Gains and Fake Containment” (HOD Episode 106)
Eisenhower (8) “POWs Left Behind, Sucking Up to the Soviets, Disaster in Cuba and Vietnam, Pro-Immigration, and Pro-Federal Control of Education” (HOD Episode 107)
Eisenhower (9) “Ike Invades the South and Neuters the GOP” (HOD Episode 112)
Lew mentions with all modesty that nearly every single item Trump brought up in his recent election integrity speech was covered in some fashion over the last several years at SecureVote.News.
You can hear his commentary on this subject each Tue. at 9:15am Mountain Time on K-Talk radio 1640 in Salt Lake City or on the website.
You can watch Hour of Decision here.
[00:00:00] Look Around You, Wrong Rules The Land While Waiting Justice Sleeves. I Saw In The Congress, Crossing The Country, Campaigning With Ron Paul, Tyranny Rising, Unspeakable Evil, Manifesting, Devils Lying About Our Heritage Who Want To Enslave And Replace Us.
[00:00:23] But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the new Jerusalem of endless possibilities. But first, this fight for freedom. Be a part of it. But don't delay, because this is the Hour Of Decision. Hour Of Decision with Lou Moore starts now.
[00:00:48] Welcome to Hour Of Decision. My name is Lou Moore, and today we are going to culminate the Eisenhower series, a series about President Dwight David Eisenhower, who served in that office from 1953 to 1961. He served after Harry Truman and before John F. Kennedy on the historic timeline.
[00:01:14] I have done 10, this is the 10th episode in the Eisenhower series, which started before Charlie Kirk was assassinated. I've taken my time getting through this. But you might ask why. I mean, I did a series on JFK, and at that time I wasn't on Liberty News Radio. They were longer episodes, but I just did three.
[00:01:40] With the time constraints of radio, which is about 49 minutes and one hour show, with the news and whatnot, on Liberty News Radio, I did a five-part series on Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who served three full terms and part of a fourth term as president and was the most consequential president, I would argue, in the 20th century.
[00:02:08] Easily, in my opinion. But Eisenhower, you know, if you're young, you might not hardly know anything about him. And if you're a boomer, if you're older, you probably just know that he won World War II for the Allies and that he was our president for a period of time,
[00:02:31] where it didn't seem like very much was happening in a boring period, relatively speaking, the 1950s. But in fact, folks, if you're looking at the big picture of the desires of our corporate masters to create a total government at home
[00:02:53] and then unite with all the other countries in the world to have one world government, one total government on this planet, a prison planet, as I think Alex Jones used to use that term, Eisenhower is very consequential.
[00:03:16] And what he did in public service spans Roosevelt's time, the last half of his administration, takes us into Kennedy, and tells us a lot of things about our world and about why we're in the terrible state we're in today.
[00:03:40] And so I've entitled this show, A Master Performance in a Theater of Lies. Because this is the world that we're in now, folks. It is a theater of lies, and it was in the 1950s as well. Even though Lassie might have been running across the screen, I think Leave it to Beaver started in the 1950s,
[00:04:08] Ward in June, and Eddie, Eddie Haskell next door. The most evil thing on the show was a duplicitous neighbor child named Eddie Haskell. But in the idyllic neighborhood with all the perfect lawns and perfect little homes that just about anyone in America at least thought they might be able to afford at a reasonable time in their life. You know, that's one picture of the 1950s.
[00:04:38] But much was going on then, and much that went on then affects us tremendously today. So I started out this series calling Dwight Eisenhower the gatekeeper, which was exactly what he was. Because I've explained in other episodes the oscillation of our history,
[00:05:06] where our corporate masters, where the Fabian socialists can make tremendous gains over a period of time in the growth of government through a crisis, a war or a depression, in the case of a war and then a depression and then a war, I should say, with Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
[00:05:31] But the crisis wanes and the public tires of all the activism. So in World War I, you had Wilson making all these reforms, creating the Federal Reserve, and he did the income tax, he did all these domestic agencies to start to regulate business. And then, of course, there was the war, World War I. But what did the public want?
[00:05:57] By the end of Wilson's administration, they wanted a return to normalcy. And normalcy wasn't actually a word until Warren Harding invented it, who was the next president of the United States after Wilson and one of the most boring figures ever in terms of his personal life was pretty juicy. But in terms of his public life, he was very boring and his platform was very boring.
[00:06:26] And it was not activist government. That was not his platform. And that's exactly what the public wanted, was a return to normalcy. And that lasted through Coolidge and lasted through Hoover. But then we had, in the middle of Hoover's administration, the Great Depression, a crisis. And then people ran to the front and said, hey, we can solve this for you. We just need to use a lot more government. And that's Franklin Roosevelt. Roosevelt.
[00:06:54] That's the Roosevelt administration, the New Deal, as they called it, his domestic policy, which was supposed to cure us of the Depression and prevent future Depressions. But it did a terrible job. And the worst year of Depression, arguably, was 1938, eight years after it started, five years after Roosevelt took office.
[00:07:21] And so then Roosevelt pivoted to get us involved in the conflicts that were going on around America, not in America, but around America in Asia and in Europe. So we went from a Depression to a war. And, of course, the war got us out of the Depression due to the munitions, creation of munitions industry, that marketplace, a new marketplace for government purchases of munitions, etc.
[00:07:50] Anyway, we'll get into all that right now. But so that was a there was a tremendous growth of government during Roosevelt. Many called it a revolution, as I quote all the time, Garrett Garrett from the Saturday Evening Post says, the revolution was, we've already had one. It was called the Roosevelt administration, where the new paradigm was is that there was no place that the government was restricted from entering
[00:08:16] and the strong central federal government from entering, no place that they could not enter in our lives, in our society, in our economy. The revolution was. And so. But after that, after that, the public. The public was wanting again kind of it wasn't called that as it was in the 20s,
[00:08:45] but a return to normalcy. And plus, people had money in their pockets. And so they were real excited about spending some of it. The baby boom. This caused the baby boom. Everybody wanted to get married, have kids, move to suburbia. The Levittown started suburban, inexpensive suburban tract housing, stamped out by the thousands, created in housing tracts starting in Levittown, Pennsylvania, and spreading all across America.
[00:09:15] And so people wanted, again, normalcy. And they didn't want the 4,000 strikes that the labor movement gave America in 1944 alone. And they did not want more overseas entanglement. Except in World War II, one difference.
[00:09:37] It became obvious to a lot of people at the end of the war that we fought this war for democracy, for the 4 freedoms. But it turned out that now about a third of the earth was completely enslaved by this new phenomenon spreading across the globe called communism. And then there was all kinds of accusations, easily supported, that these communists, our allies, the Russians,
[00:10:06] actually had infiltrated at the highest levels of our own government, and not just to steal our secrets, but to create our policies. To create policy at the highest level. In places like Yalta, where Franklin Delano Roosevelt gave away the store to Joseph Stalin, literally. Gave him Eastern Europe. Gave him the opportunity to advance in Asia.
[00:10:34] Gave him a guarantee that we would punish and return to the Soviet Union, his worst enemies that had spread across Europe and other things as well. And so, but the public was wanting to return to normalcy then as well. And in 1948, Harry Truman, the first time he ran for office, Roosevelt dies.
[00:11:02] Truman becomes president in 1945. He serves almost a full term, but he didn't get elected, so he runs for office. His polling numbers were terrible. Nobody in the country thought he could win. But he did win because of the incompetent internationalist Thomas Dewey, who was his opponent. And so there was a further delay. Well, there was still a desire for activist government.
[00:11:29] Truman's trying to pass a national health plan like the British health plan. Not like, even like Obamacare. Not even like Medicare for all, but the straight up government runs everything health plan that is a complete disaster that they have in Britain, the most socialist, I think, in the Western world. That's what Truman wanted for you, for your ancestors. But he was defeated.
[00:11:56] In Congress, there was a conservative majority made up of rebels, really, in both parties. Because the other factor here is there had developed, again, we had a consensus called progressivism before World War I, where the government must get much more active. We must turn our policy over to experts.
[00:12:24] We need to have experts running everything. We need to grow government a whole lot bigger. We need to reach out overseas and build a League of Nations, at that time is what they called it. As I said, in the 20s, the public rejected all of that. But it was pushed again under Roosevelt. And by the end of the war, there was a consensus among the powers that be in both political parties
[00:12:52] that we needed to continue to have government intervention in our economy. We needed to keep the programs Roosevelt put in place and maybe add a few new ones. And we needed to stay very, very active overseas and really strengthen this new organization called the United Nations. And maybe one day we would live in a perfect one world government. So that's the consensus of the leadership of both parties.
[00:13:20] That's not a consensus among the public and not even among legislators. But they are divided. So there are conservative Republicans, about half the Senate and a good number in the House. And there are conservative Democrats, mainly in the South, which is a block. So there's a lot of them. And they tended to keep electing the same people down there.
[00:13:45] And under the seniority system that they had at one time, they all ended up to be chairman of committees. Mostly Southerners. Democrat, but conservative. And so you, again, really had no party representing the public. The populist mood of the public to get away from all these big institutions,
[00:14:12] to get away from having our focus overseas, to get away from this one worldism and these isms that were un-American. And return to the Christian values that our country was founded on and return to normal nuclear family life. That's what people wanted to do. And so by 1952, there was such a pressure built up for this.
[00:14:36] They had been delayed by the fact that the war ended and there were still years on Roosevelt's term that Truman served out. And then Truman, a fluke, won. But by 1952, folks, he's polling at 20%. The public's done. The public's done with the New Deal vision. They're done essentially with the Democrats, with the liberal Democrats that are running the party and running the show.
[00:15:05] They want to change. And so the establishment now has a big problem. They've got this consensus that is in danger because the public has, at best, uncertain support, if no support, for it. And so they need a gatekeeper who will not come out there and be the next Roosevelt with a new New Deal policy,
[00:15:34] but will be out there protecting the gains they'd already made and then move more gains forward as is politically realistic. And of course, that was Dwight Eisenhower. Eisenhower, a creature of the Army. He was a lifetime Army. He was a colonel, only a colonel.
[00:15:59] At the very outbreak of World War II, he almost went to jail over a small financial impropriety, but that was covered up in the military. But he found the favor of Anna Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt's daughter. And pretty soon, and somehow Bernard Baruch, a figure that keeps popping up in our histories, our histories of that era with Roosevelt, with others, with Wilson.
[00:16:31] And before you know it, I'll be darned. He's the commander of our allied forces as we're going to war in Europe. And he's being led, the head of the Army, is George Catlett Marshall, who also was only a colonel, who also got in trouble in the military and for years thought he'd never be any higher than a colonel, as Eisenhower thought, as we know this at one time.
[00:16:56] Both of them owing their careers to Franklin Delano Roosevelt, both slavishly serving his interests, which was really, as I covered in my Roosevelt episodes, to end the empires, defeat National Socialist Germany and Japan, create a United Nations and a new internationalist order.
[00:17:20] That was the objectives that Roosevelt had for World War II. And in doing this, he had to stay allied with the communist Russians, and hence he did about anything Stalin wanted throughout the war. And I covered this at length in my Roosevelt episodes. But Eisenhower is complicit in all this.
[00:17:46] He's not as an underling, but as somebody who's getting a huge boost publicity-wise, as being this great leader of men who had only been a colonel and had never had combat experience of any kind. And so off we go with the career of Eisenhower. So he comes back a hero because we won the war.
[00:18:11] And next thing you know, he's the president of Columbia University, which is central. To the social engineering project that has almost destroyed this nation. I just had Alex Newman on my show talking about the key role of John Dewey and Columbia University in perverting our entire education system in America. Well, the president of that university, who also housed the Frankfurt School, by the way,
[00:18:39] the cultural Marxists, who operated at the university level, Dewey was through K-12, the whole deal. The cultural Marxists, primarily in higher ed. They were there at Columbia with Eisenhower, who was very happy with all of them and said, there's absolutely no communist activity at my university. So Eisenhower did that.
[00:19:04] But he got all this favorable publicity and it just kept building and building and building and building. And he just became an extremely popular figure that rarely made a misstep. Somebody who could perform. An actor. I'm reminded of Ronald Reagan, who he first ran for governor of California in 1966.
[00:19:33] He had never served in any political office. He was the head of a union for a while. But some liberal reporters say, well, Mr. Reagan, a lot of people don't think you're qualified to be governor. You're an actor. You can't be a politician. You're an actor. And he kind of looked at him for a second like, are you even serious? Like, dude, what do you think one of the top criteria for a great politician is?
[00:20:04] It is to be an actor, whether you have good motives or not. But particularly if the answer is if not or not. So Eisenhower never made a movie with a monkey like Ronald Reagan did. But he was a consummate actor.
[00:20:24] And in fact, Eisenhower, he had nothing but great PR his entire time with the new mass transmission belt of radio. We had, of course, the newsreels in the theaters where millions saw news at the theater. Television did not quite not quite there yet until he got in office.
[00:20:49] And, of course, very favorable coverage in the newspapers as well. So Eisenhower had nothing but glowing publicity, understood how that can, you know, the perception can easily become the reality to people.
[00:21:08] And so he embarked upon acting like he was a conservative Republican in the 1952 election where the public was absolutely sick of the corruption of the big government that came from the New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Absolutely sick of hearing about communist infiltrators in our government at places like Los Alamos where they built the atomic bomb.
[00:21:37] In the case of Alger Hiss had already come to the public, the Rosenbergs, public, everybody knew about them. Totally sick of that. And totally sick of seeing the communists swallowing one country in the world after another with seemingly no effective opposition from us.
[00:22:01] And so that sets the stage for the election of 1952. And as I said, an oscillation back. This is going to be the natural time for the public to swing very conservative. And unfortunately for our corporate masters, there was a politician on the scene who was their worst nightmare, who articulated a small government vision in the most popular way that appealed to working people and who was not for.
[00:22:30] Not for the internationalist project in any regard, was totally America first. And his name was Robert Taft. And he was Mr. Republican. That's what they called him. And he was highly favored to win the nomination for president in 1952 when the Democrats were at a low ebb in popularity as a party. And there was a great chance that their whole project was going down the tubes.
[00:23:00] So they sent in Eisenhower. And this is a man who, four years earlier, the most left-wing Democrats in the Democrat Party begged him publicly. There's no secrets here, folks. Publicly to run for president so they wouldn't have to run the highly unpopular Harry Truman to try to protect their socialist project.
[00:23:25] But he was smart enough to turn them down because everybody thought at the time, no way could the Democrats win in 1948. But just so that's where Eisenhower was at. Eleanor Roosevelt loved him. She was perfectly comfortable with the idea of running him for president as a Democrat to protect her husband's legacy. But four years later, we're asked to believe that suddenly, without a shred of documentation to support it,
[00:23:53] that Eisenhower has been a good Republican all his life and just served his country in the military and stayed quiet. But really, really, he wants to clean up that mess in Washington. He wants to get rid of all those communists. He wants to get rid of all these problems. And he just wants to be a great American conservative president.
[00:24:16] Problem is, not only do we have that background, but the people backing him in 52 are all the internationalists and liberals in the Republican Party, of which there was still many, including Thomas Dewey, who lost to Truman. I'll continue this after the news. You're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore.
[00:24:41] We've been talking about Dwight David Eisenhower, his assent to the White House and his presidency, which I am depicting as a master performance in the theater of lies. So, there is a natural oscillation there has been in our country that's easily identifiable since the early 20th century
[00:25:06] between their desire for activist government, which is big government, and a public rebellion against it. But there's also another cycle that is called, it's a populist cycle that I've also discussed. I discuss it in my book, and I've talked about it many times on this show, where there is a populist moment where things come together and where people do not want to take it from the system anymore
[00:25:35] and they want to overturn the apple cart, so to speak. We had such a moment in the 1990s, and that was derailed by the establishment. But for a while, we had Ross Perot at 50% against George Bush Sr. and Bill Clinton. They were the other 50. He was 50, folks, as an independent candidate. And without doubt, there was a populist moment in 2016.
[00:26:05] It's kind of been an extended one, really starting with the Tea Party, starting before 2016, really from the time of the Great Recession, as they called it, 2008, until now, because there is still a hunger for serious reform and a complete distrust of the establishment. It's growing, folks. Thank God for that.
[00:26:35] And so this is an extended period we're in right now, but there was one after World War II as well. They were sick of the New Deal, the New Deal policies, the coddling of violent unions. And they were very upset about the communist penetration into our government and the communist gains overseas that were of scary proportions,
[00:26:59] country after country falling under complete totalitarian communist government. And this urge brought about a Congress in 1946. They had people like Joe McCarthy and Richard Nixon get elected. And but there was a problem in 48 because the establishment got the Republican nomination and kept it away from populists.
[00:27:27] And that candidate was incompetent. And Truman was able to continue the New Deal, essentially, the New Deal people, at least the Democrats, for another four years. But in 1952, there was overwhelming pressure. And there was a candidate who could take in this pressure, whose name was Robert Taft. So now I want to stop for a minute and talk about parties.
[00:27:55] And the fact that, as I mentioned, for years, starting in the end of the 1930s, you had a working majority in the Congress of conservatives. Built by Southern Democrats and by conservatives from different parts of the country who were Republicans. But both parties were controlled by the opposition to them. Both parties were controlled by the establishment, as they have been pretty much. It seems like now forever.
[00:28:26] And I would argue that was starting to be broken up with Trump. We've heard my feelings about Trump recently and where that may sit right now. But I bring this up because there's talk about a third party. Again, Tucker Carlson's bringing it up. And anyway, that's a topic unto itself. But what they don't want. There's been this two-party dynamic. It goes all the way back, folks.
[00:28:53] It goes all the way back to after George Washington. It goes back to the first election between, I mean, after Washington, between Adams and Jefferson. It goes back that far, this two-party dynamic. It's pretty much been the dynamic of American politics and particularly presidential politics. And what the establishment does not ever want is for a populist movement to control one of those two parties.
[00:29:22] Because that's big trouble for them. And that's what they were facing. And so, well, two things. One, be a little careful. Oh, let's just start another party. I'm so pissed off at the Republicans. They're so terrible. They're no different than the Democrats, blah, blah, blah. And I've talked a little bit about that as well. That's another subject.
[00:29:43] But my main point is be careful in thinking that you should have a third party option when you still might have the option of taking control, at least control of the presidential nomination of one of the two major parties. And that's what the establishment was facing in 1952. And that's why they needed Dwight David Eisenhower to put on a big act and come in as a big Republican.
[00:30:13] And so he could thwart a legitimate populist movement with a huge head of steam around the candidacy of Robert Taft. So with the two parties after the war, it's important to understand that because of this consensus with the establishment, they controlled both parties.
[00:30:40] And there were people who were liberals in both parties. So when they're trying to sneak in somebody like Dwight Eisenhower to run against a true blue conservative, Robert Taft, there are people in the party backing Eisenhower who they're not conservatives. I mean, Thomas Dewey was the nominee in 1948. He's not a conservative. Now, at times he talks like one.
[00:31:10] I mean, it's no different than how the rhinos are today, folks. Many times they will talk that way. But he was a thoroughgoing and complete internationalist. And it's easier for those people to bring forward the name of somebody like Eisenhower than just if a bunch of liberal non-Republicans tried to sneak this, albeit popular, general into the Republican contest. You know, that would be obvious.
[00:31:38] But John Foster Dulles, who was Eisenhower's foreign policy guru, who was up to his eyeballs in the foreign policy establishment, going all the way back to Edward Mandel House, who worked with a ton of Democrats. Suddenly in 1950, 1949, 1950, he's going around and saying, you know, really, I'm kind of a Republican, even though he hasn't changed any of his views up until that time.
[00:32:07] And then suddenly after that, suddenly on suddenly, he's so violently anti-communist, he's talking about nuking the Russians to the Stone Age, which was ridiculous because that isn't how he felt, nor is it how he acted once he became Eisenhower's secretary of state. But as I talked about, as I joked about a little bit in the first half of this show about actors,
[00:32:36] about Ronald Reagan talking about being an actor. And of course, Reagan also said being governor of California would be the role of a lifetime. You know, he totally got it, folks, about this thing about acting and being in politics. But this book about Eisenhower's foreign policy guru, John Foster Dulles, the title of, if you're watching on Rumble, it's the actor.
[00:33:04] Because this guy was off the charts to the left and sold himself in the policy community and then also to the public as a total right winger and kind of helped lay the groundwork for Eisenhower, yet another fellow internationalist, total left winger, to come in to this election in 1952 as some kind of solid conservative Republican.
[00:33:32] So anyhow, so Eisenhower comes in, they cheat at the convention and they deny Taft the nomination. And so again, the establishment has control of both parties. So they already win really big right there.
[00:33:53] A huge victory in that a guy like Taft, who was all about investigating the communists, who was all about what Joseph McCarthy was doing, even though he didn't personally like McCarthy, but all about what he was doing, who was not for all this stuff with the United Nations, who was not for all these foreign treaties, not for all this one-worldism, not for all this big government, not for all this government spending,
[00:34:20] had been very firmly on the record in all of these areas. I mean, this is a guy they just couldn't allow in, folks. And the fact that Eisenhower was able to pull this off with essentially Thomas Dewey's organization and with a lot of money from a guy named Paul Hoffman, who was a one-worlder who happened to own an automobile company and others,
[00:34:48] the fact he was able to pull this off alone made Eisenhower hugely impactful. He prevented a true populist conservative from taking office and possibly completely turning the ship around in 1952, before a whole lot more damage was done thereafter. But Eisenhower wins.
[00:35:17] And then three, three big accomplishments go on to the books within two or three years for our corporate masters. And there's episodes about all these in this series. And the biggest one, in my opinion, was the takedown of Joe McCarthy. And it's not just that Joe McCarthy was so effective
[00:35:44] in his anti-communist activities in the Congress and his anti-communist hearings and the hearings he participated in before he got a committee chair, which up until 1953, I mean, he really didn't have that committee chair that long where he was actually driving investigations. He was just assisting people like Pat McCarron. I also have an episode on Pat McCarron if you look in my archives.
[00:36:14] Won't get into him now. But McCarthy led in terms of the public. He was hugely popular. He was calling a spade a spade. He was over the target. Not just with the smaller communists who had the party cards and got into government or got in the military. He was attacking George Catlett Marshall. He was smart enough not to attack Eisenhower,
[00:36:43] who was hugely popular at that time directly. But he was attacking a lot of people around Eisenhower in the establishment. And he was putting it together, folks. This whole internationalist conspiracy that comes from the big corporations, the big tax-free foundations, the super rich, the international banking, the whole deal that we've gone over.
[00:37:11] And we've gone over it in some specificity recently in my American Tyranny series, which will continue hopefully next week. But McCarthy was putting it all together and was putting steel in the spine of what are normally cowardly types who are called legislators. They're generally not the boldest individuals running around. They're great at preening.
[00:37:39] They're great at posturing in front of cameras. They're not great at really being bold and really being courageous. That's not the usual forte of a legislator. But McCarthy was that way. And he brought others to that point, to that point of confrontation with our enemies as well. Eisenhower took him out. And I go into detail about this in my McCarthy episodes.
[00:38:08] And we have two episodes in this series about Eisenhower versus McCarthy. This is the biggest checkmark, in my opinion. Eisenhower got for the establishment because nobody was willing to seriously look at communism in government with the effectiveness, with the aggressiveness, with the boldness, with the candor
[00:38:33] that McCarthy did it after he was off the scene, out of the picture. Huge defeat for our team. Huge defeat. He derailed the Reese Committee. Eisenhower derailed the Reese Committee, which was directly over the target, looking at the Tax-Free Foundation and the whole scheme of social engineering,
[00:39:03] going through our education system, going through all of our institutions, and changing the country. Stuart Chase, who I frequently talk about on this show, the guy that always shows up, the guy who wrote the book The New Deal, the guy who was there at Harvard with Felix Frankfurter, the guy who was there with the technocracy people when they started. He was also around with Eisenhower.
[00:39:33] And he said, we need 15 years. We need 15 years of one generation, and we can completely turn them around. And of course, folks, as Ronald Reagan said famously, and many others have too, freedom is always one generation away from extinction. So this social engineering project is really central, absolutely central,
[00:40:00] to all of the problems that we face today and was being directly administered by and transferred to the university, starting with the Ivies, starting with Columbia, where Eisenhower was on the board of directors, from these tax-free foundations. And this is a good time to mention one more time that on the board of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
[00:40:28] at the time when they had a president who was going to soon be convicted of being a communist agent, sat Dwight David Eisenhower. And the goal set forth by this board when he was there was that everything in Carnegie's mission had to have relevance to the mission of the United Nations.
[00:40:54] And that included the mixture of populations to eventually end up with one ethnicity. And that's only the beginning of everything with Carnegie and everything they did, everything they did through people like Stuart Chase, through people like Gunnar Meierdahl, and his monograph, The American Dilemma, that was the central piece of evidence
[00:41:23] used in the Brown v. Board of Education decision that is yet in another episode in this series. Very consequential. And then there was the Bricker Amendment, the amendment to the Constitution that had humongous support in both parties, all through the system, many, many organizations supporting it, huge public support, more than two-thirds of the Senate supporting it, until Eisenhower got on the scene,
[00:41:52] that required that no treaties and no secret site agreements be made by any president that would in any way infringe our sovereignty as a nation or infringe anything that's laid out in the Constitution of the United States. Eisenhower derailed that, plotting with Lyndon Johnson. We have an episode on that in this series. Three big ones right there, folks.
[00:42:21] The Bricker Amendment defeated, the Reese Committee thwarted, Joe McCarthy destroyed politically. Three huge ones. And then the fact that the Republican Party was not taken over by Robert Taft. And Eisenhower is the head of the party, as we've also talked about in this series, pretty much destroyed the effectiveness of the Republican Party. He remained popular.
[00:42:50] He remained popular. But the party went down and down and down. And Democrat control of the Congress solidified. And even as Democrats were leaving the party, as conservative Democrats in the 60s, with the onset of the Goldwater Movement were leaving the Democrat Party, the grip on the Congress got tighter and tighter and tighter
[00:43:17] right up until the next populist moment. We had a populist moment after World War II, and we talk about that with Taft. The next one is the Ross Perot moment. It's also the Pat Buchanan and Jerry Brown moment, 1992, and then 1994 with the Newt Gingrich Congress. Republicans didn't even have a prayer of control of the Congress until that time. It's become competitive
[00:43:47] only since then. Eisenhower has everything to do with that, folks. Do you see the impact? It took a generation for the Republicans to dig out of the hole in terms of their congressional viability and senatorial viability that was created through Eisenhower. But Eisenhower surrounded himself with PR men once he got in.
[00:44:16] Matter of fact, I'm going to read this from Grok. Eisenhower was the first as president to bring Madison Avenue pros into presidential politics. In 1952, he hired advertising executive Rosser Reeves from the Ted Bates Agency to create short TV spots. Eisenhower answers America, where everyday people asked questions and Ike gave direct answers. It was revolutionary. Instead of long speeches,
[00:44:46] he used slick, personality-driven ads to sell him like a product. And it's not true to say that JFK was the first politician to use television effectively. Folks, without any doubt, it was Dwight David Eisenhower. Once Eisenhower got in office, he kept the playbook. He hired actor Robert Montgomery as his TV advisor to coach him on delivery and presentation. He had press conferences open up to TV cameras in 1955.
[00:45:16] He treated PR as essential to governing. And they spent a concentrated effort on managing the news cycle. Eisenhower was the pioneer in doing this, folks, manipulating the news cycle, which is now what they all try to do. All of this. Everybody all the time. That's what they're trying to do. He turned the presidency into a permanent campaign blending showmanship with policy.
[00:45:45] An actor, a master performance in the theater of lies. Dwight David Eisenhower. He defeated Taft. He destroyed the Republican Party, defeated McCarthy. He kept out the Bricker Amendment. He stopped the investigations of the tax-free foundations. He destroyed states' rights by invading a state with the 101st Airborne locked and loaded,
[00:46:13] using them on American citizens in 1957. And the biggest of all these, probably, maybe, after McCarthy, I would say, is what he did to the Supreme Court with five selections to the Supreme Court, including the evil Earl Warren, the worst chief justice ever, and the changes to America. You know,
[00:46:42] the theater of change, change from the Congress and the presidency in the 1950s. They couldn't do it through there. It changed to the courts. Pornography legal. Congressional investigations ended. Criminal rights enshrined. It goes on and on, folks. I mean, it goes on and on. The social engineering of the races, the entire milieu
[00:47:11] of the social engineering program put into place by the Warren Court during Eisenhower and during Kennedy. Eisenhower has everything to do with this because he put them there. So, this is what I'm talking about, about it being not seemingly maybe so consequential, but how consequential his administration was. Because we had a chance to turn the ship around and he
[00:47:41] completely destroyed our chances of doing that for years. Years after he left. He also set the stage to destroy the immigration policy we had that kept the ethnic character of this country and he's known today as the big deporter. A lie. We expose that in this series as well. So, Dwight David
[00:48:10] Eisenhower, I mean, I could go on and I did. Ten episodes. This is why. This is why, folks, his administration was so consequential and hopefully we can learn from what happened to Taft, from how he was sold and then the results that happened thereafter.
[00:48:41] Populist Rebellion is underway today and our corporate masters are trying to thwart it today. Different tactics using Trump now. But Dwight David Eisenhower, a master performance in the theater of lies. My name is Lou Moore. You're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio and I will be back to you next week. book. You're listening to