Episode 94 Hour of Decision: Eisenhower (3) Cast of Characters for a R.I.N.O. Presidency

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the a manifest destiny to bring the new Jerusalem of endless possibilities. But first, this fight for freedom. Be a part of it. But don't delay because this is the hour of decision. Hour of decision with Lou Moore starts now. Welcome to the ninety fourth episode of hour of decision. My name is Lou Moore. And today, we are gonna return, after several weeks absence, to the topic of Dwight David Eisenhower, the president of The United States who served after Harry s Truman, who served from 1953 to 1961 as our president, and who served at a very pivotal time in the history of our country. So we've talked about Eisenhower in terms of being a gatekeeper, which he certainly was. I mean, and, I would say gatekeeper and gaslighter extraordinaire. We talked about the whole topic of gatekeepers, people who are on the scene to keep conservatives down, to keep a populist rebellion from brewing at any given time in our history and in any sector of the political equation, whether it's within a political party, within an ideological movement, or if it's actually, in terms of office holders like the president of The United States. So, we talked about Eisenhower as a gatekeeper. We talked about gatekeepers in general in our first episode. In our second episode, we talked about why there was a need, a pressing need on the part of our corporate masters to have a gatekeeper, and that was the presence of Robert Taft, a senator from Ohio, courageous, brilliant, photographic memory, Trump like work ethic, eighteen to twenty hours a day of work, seven days a week, and, an individual who had two qualifications that were really nerve wracking on our corporate masters. Number one, he was totally opposed to both the Fabian project at home, making government bigger and bigger, as well as the new internationalist project centered around the United Nations and security arrangements for the mighty world government like NATO. So Taft was unapologetic in these areas, and his other characteristic, was that he had an appeal that went beyond the standard Republican base, and he showed very clearly, as we discussed in the last episode where we were talking about the subject of Eisenhower and his various opponents, that in 1950 running for senate in Ohio, Robert Taft was able to get over 40% of the union vote despite being the most vociferous opponent of unions and union excesses in The United States Of America. So he had a saliency as a candidate and a determination in terms of his beliefs and a track record in terms of his beliefs that, that, was very nervous to our corporate masters. And then the third piece of this is, unlike Barry Goldwater in 1964 who also had some of these attributes, in 1952, if Taft would have won the primary, which he was well on his way to doing, he would have had virtually no resistance to become, the president of The United States because the Democrats were in such terrible shape, terrible disarray, very unpopular. Their the current president, Harry Truman, 21% approval rating by the time we get, toward the nineteen fifty two election. And almost everyone that was in any way unbiased, looking at this election said, any Republican candidate would be a shoo in. And so, Taft was poised to become an America first president of The United States and in a position to at least begin the process of turning the ship around and turning us away from the big government project and from the world government project. So he was a real problem that required a gatekeeper to step in and not step in to oppose him in the general election, but somebody who could take him out in the, primaries or at the convention in the case of what happened actually happened to Taft. Somebody who could take him out at the convention and prevent an America first candidate from being the Republican nominee in a year where the Republicans, had a very good chance at recapturing the White House. And, of course, that was that person was that gatekeeper was Dwight David Eisenhower. And I also say that he was a gaslighter, extraordinaire because Dwight Eisenhower showed every sign and every, element of his record indicated and all of the people who were backing him and wanted him to run for president earlier all made it quite obvious that Dwight Eisenhower was a liberal Democrat, a creature of Franklin Delano Roosevelt who plucked him up from obscurity in the military as a colonel whose career was basically over with in terms of advancement, and, somebody who had never seen combat, somebody who, he himself felt that his career was totally stalled out, but who, after Roosevelt found him, suddenly made a meteoric rise, from colonel to, the commander of our, allied forces in Europe. And then after that, in the service of Harry s Truman, the five star general that was in charge of everything to do with the army, in charge of the army. And, so, Eisenhower was, like, somebody who owed everything that that he had, everything that he was in his career to the two, uber liberal Democrats being, first of all, and primarily Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and then secondarily, Harry s Truman. So the fact that he was able to run for president in 1952, not just as a Republican, but as a Republican promising to clean house in Washington DC, promising to essentially be a conservative president. I mean, it took a lot of chutzpah to even conceive of pulling this off. But, indeed, that is what they did. So where we ended up in my last Eisenhower episode was, Ike beating Taft, using dirty tactics, smelly, very smelly tactics at the convention with a full complicity and the full exuberance of the national press, of corporate America, of, highly placed party officials, some of whom were playing a double game, but who were really, as they are now, many of them, in the pocket of our corporate masters, the collusion of these elements delivering, the nomination to Eisenhower over the man who came into the convention with a majority of delegates and who should have been the nominee and who should have been in a position to become president and a America first president, that being senator Robert Taft. So after the convention was over with, the biggest concern of Eisenhower's people and of Eisenhower himself was that the, Republicans might not support him in large enough numbers that this could be the one way that the very popular, the very superficially popular the the man very popular among low information voters, among other groups, that, he could run into resistance from, conservative Republicans and a majority of grassroots Republicans who were for Taft and who knew he stole the convention away from Taft and many of whom who were a little more sophisticated in their thinking who knew very well. He was not really a Republican and shouldn't be trusted in terms of what was going to happen next on the political game board. So this was a big worry for Ike and that and his, team. And, you know, looking back on it, Eisenhower is so popular that he probably did not have as much to worry about as he thought. But, you know, people don't know this when they're in the heat of battle. I mean, look at all of the stuff that went on around Watergate, breaking into the Democrat, committee, all the spying that went on against the Democrats, all this concern about the Democrats when they ended up putting up George McGovern for president in '28 in '19, excuse me, 1972 against Richard Nixon in this case, and, he was wiped out. I think Nixon won 49 states. I mean, there was no way that the candidate that even the press was picking up on was for acid amnesty and abortion was going to become the president of The United States, a guy from a small state, in the case of McGovern, South Dakota, who was off the charts to the left in an era where the great silent majority was sick of bombs going off in their country and sick of, not winning a war over in Vietnam, not happy with the drug culture and all of the, real manifestations of cultural Marxism occurring around them then. So but, you know, in the heat of battle, these guys were freaking out and taking some extraordinary measures. They were set up in some ways. I won't get into Watergate right now. We're going to down the road. But, anyway, this was similar with the people around Ike in '52 1952 who were worried, that the, conservative Republicans they had screwed over, and the Republicans and others who were planning to vote for a Republican no matter what in the fifty two election would figure out that they were hornswoggled by Ike, that he really was a Democrat, and he really was not what he said he was. So they were very concerned about this. They had pulled it off at the convention due to dirty tactics. And, as I said, the complicity of the news media. But, Robert Taft was not playing ball. He didn't come right, up and say, Ike, anything I can do to help you win, we gotta unite the party. Taft hardly did that. And many of his, key supporters were much angrier than Taft was about this situation. So, there was great concern in this area. So they picked a a vice presidential nominee, and, of course, many of his advisers wanted Eisenhower to pick Taft. Yeah. They were so concerned, about what they had done that they wanted to make sure that they could button down the right wing by bringing their leader in as a, a nominee. But, you know, Taft wasn't having it. They couldn't even approach him with that offer. And so they picked a young senator from California. You know, he was young. Eisenhower was old. Eisenhower was from the East. Nixon was from the West. Nixon had a solid reputation as an anti communist, because of the Alger Hiss case. And we'll talk more about that in a moment because that has a bearing on the future of Ike's administration. And Nixon also had run two very aggressive campaigns. One, his first campaign where he got elected to congress in 1946 where he beat a left wing Democrat named Jerry Voorhees, and even more in 1950 when he ran an extremely aggressive campaign against a woman by the name of Helen Gahagan Douglas. Now both Voorhees and Douglas were off the chart to the left, and Nixon didn't spare any words in describing them that way. Nixon ran the most, the single most, in my opinion, anti communist and viciously anti communist campaign ever. You know, either at the presidential, senatorial, or congressional level, and this, campaign in 1950 was at the senatorial level. Nixon did not spare in any way any tactics that could be used against Douglas's extreme left wing record. Helen Gahagan Douglas married to the actor Paul Douglas. Anyway, I won't get into all that. She was also LBJ's mistress. I could just spend a show talking about that kind of stuff, but I won't do that. I won't do that today. But, anyway, these two campaigns and the fact that Nixon on the House Un American Activities Committee, was able to almost single handedly bring the establishment creature Alger Hiss, the former, adviser who was at Roosevelt's side at when the Yalta agreement was formed, who was the first secretary general of the United Nations, and who at the time of, when Nixon went after mister Hess as a communist agent and Soviet spy, was the president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. His was a as big a fish as you could possibly take down in the anti communist fight at this time, and Nixon fearlessly move forward to do this, working with his key witness, Whittaker Chambers, who was an editor of Time magazine. Anyhow, so Nixon had all these bona fides, but there was just another side to Richard Nixon. Richard Nixon was a thoroughgoing internationalist, at least by his own telling. When he finally got to the White House, one of the first pictures he put up, on the wall in the Oval Office was one of Woodrow Wilson, who he said was his hero. Woodrow Wilson, of course, the quintessential Fabian socialist, internationalist, and pretty much the founder of the League of Nations, the first attempt at a United Nations type organization. We didn't join. That's a whole another story, but that was all that Wilson's doing, and we've talked about Wilson many times many times on this show. And, the curious thing about Nixon's aggressive pursuit of Alger Hiss, also an internationalist, was that Nixon got Thomas Dewey, the governor of New York who ran for president in both 1944 and 1948 as a Republican against Roosevelt in '44 against Truman in 1948. In 1947 and early forty eight, somewhere in there, Nixon actually went to Dewey to get Dewey to sign off, pretty much signing off for the Eastern establishment Republicans on permission to go after Alger Hiss. This is in Nixon's autobiography, folks. I'm not making this up. And Dewey gave him the green light because the public was so in such a state over the obvious penetration of Roosevelt's and also Truman's governments that you just couldn't, you know, you just couldn't be completely against these efforts of these congressional committees. They were very popular at this period of time just as McCarthy's efforts were popular for a large percentage of the time he was on his anti communist crusade, which came later. Anyhow, so that's a that's a couple of curious things about Nixon. The third one would be he did sign a letter, and I haven't been able to find it, but I think it was for the United World Federalist. He signed off on some letters saying it was very vague. It wasn't a piece of legislation. But he signed off on some letter saying, oh, it would just be great if we make the United Nations a whole lot more powerful and that we work toward one beautiful world out there. I think it was pretty vague, but it was a world government push that Nixon at one point in his career lent his name to even while he was doing all this anti communist activity. And it's interesting that in 1950, when Nixon ran against Helen Gahagan Douglas in California, one of his biggest financial backers was JFK's dad, Joe old Joe Kennedy. And, you know, Kennedy was kind of the same way, a little bit different than Nixon, but Kennedy hated communist. He absolutely hated communist, loved Joe McCarthy, encouraged his son, Bobby, Bobby Kennedy, to to join McCarthy's staff, which he did. And but at the same time, Joe Kennedy also penned a full throated defense of FDR's, Fabian domestic policies, during the nineteen thirties and went to the, probably, the leading theoretician of the actual Fabian Society, professor Harold Lasky, to get advice on how to position his son, Joe Kennedy, the the the brother older than JFK who died during the war, but the oldest of the Kennedy boys to how Joe senior could position Joe Junior to run for president at some point. And so, you know, it's it's complicated, folks, out there. It's complicated with the Kennedys, and it's a little complicated with Nixon. And now we bring him back into the story. I did a little sidebar there. So Eisenhower picks Nixon. The Nixon, and the California delegation during the convention, he kinda hid in the weeds, and said he was a favorite son of Earl Warren, who was the governor of California. And if you're familiar with a with a favorite son is, they don't do this stuff. Everything's rigged now to point they don't even get into these conventions without knowing usually who's gonna win. But it used to be that a governor, if he hadn't really chosen sides between the content contending candidates, would go into the convention as a favorite son and then force his delegation who he usually has a lot of leverage over each one of these delegates as the governor of the state or sometimes it's a senator, and gets them to hold their vote with this governor as negotiations go on, with the larger campaigns, the ones who are actually viable to win. And, this is what Warren was doing in '52. And so Nixon was hiding in the weeds there, just hiding under the fact that he would be following the favorite son, Earl Warren, and not taking a side between Taft, who most of the conservatives would have thought Nixon would support, and his true candidate, the internationalist, Dwight David Eisenhower. This is, like, an example of some of the chicanery that went on at this convention that I alluded to in my last Eisenhower episode. So anyhow, Nixon was a big figure in moving a lot of California delegates at a key time to Eisenhower. Definitely not to Taft. He screwed Taft. So but Nixon had this profile of an anti communist, so Ike puts him on the ticket. But Ike is such a left winger, folks. He hates Nixon. He doesn't like Nixon. He doesn't like what he did to Alger Hiss because guess who put Alger Hiss in the position to become the president of the Carnegie Endowment of International Peace? That would be a man named John Foster Dulles, who I'm gonna talk about more as this episode proceeds, who just happened to be, internationalist I mean, Uber internationalist, and he became Eisenhower's secretary of state. And, anyhow, the the the dullest story is one for the books by itself on the level of gaslighting and lying about who these people are and where their loyalties actually lie. But, anyhow, Eisenhower didn't like Nixon. Nixon was aggressive. Eisenhower did not like how Nixon was using the anti communist issue and how he used in his earlier campaigns. But as I said, they wanted is they wanted a right winger to be on the ticket with Eisenhower, but one who would play ball with him, and Nixon fit the bill perfectly. So they put him on the ticket, but, then, meanwhile, negotiations are feverishly going on with Robert Taft, the spurned America First candidate that Eisenhower screwed at the convention and fraudulently took the nomination away from. And finally, in, in about in September of the election year, they finally get Taft on board. They get him on board to the Eisenhower campaign. And guess what? Then Ike and many of his top advisers were thinking, how can we get Nixon off the ticket? They hated Nixon. They were worried about him, and and they were worried about a lot of the anti communist statements he was making already on the campaign trail. And so Eisenhower fed Nixon to the wolves with this, scandal that led to the checkers speech. I'm sure you've heard of that, but then you probably studied it in high school where Nixon is accused by the Democrats of having this slush fund, which he vehemently denies. And, then he makes a speech, sponsored by the Republican National Committee pleading for his position on the ticket, and millions and millions of Republicans responded positively to that speech and said, we wanna keep Nixon on the ticket. And Eisenhower, at this point, is forced to keep Nixon on the ticket, and he can't turn around and try to put Taft on the ticket. My name is Lou Moore, and you are listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio, and we're gonna continue the saga of Dwight David Eisenhower, the gatekeeper, right after the news. Against tyranny and corruption for Christ in Constitution, the second half of the hour of decision with boom more starts now. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore, and we are talking about the presidency of Dwight David Eisenhower, gatekeeper and gaslighter par excellence. And, we're starting to now delve into some of the people around Eisenhower that he brought in to the government when he was elected president. We've started with Richard Milhouse Nixon. So as I said, Nixon had to go before the Republican National Committee and give this speech, one of the most famous speeches in the history of politics. You could go right on YouTube and watch it, the Checkers speech, where he talks about his little dog, Checkers, that he will not give back give back even, this this slush fund paid for it, or I can't remember what he was saying. Nixon was absolutely unbelievable in this speech, folks. Unbelievable. As a political talent, huge, huge political talent, Telegram's flooded into the RNC saying, Eisenhower, you must keep this fine patriot, Richard Nixon, on the ticket. Here, Eisenhower's throwing him to the wolves. I mean, it's unbelievable, but he was. And what Eisenhower was really upset about after this speech was that one, he knew he was stuck with Nixon. He'd have to keep Nixon on the ticket. But two, during the speech, Nixon starts talking about funds that the, Democrat candidate, Adlai Stevenson, had in his, running mate. Was it Estes Kefauver? I believe senator Kefauver, from the South. And then he goes, I'm gonna I'm going to show my entire income tax form. I'm gonna show everything about my finances, so I want these Democrats to show everything about their finances. Of course, what that meant was is that Eisenhower would have to show everything about his finances. And he had gotten a very strange and extremely, rare and very lucrative ruling from the IRS about his book. He, of course, like everybody, he wrote a book at the end of World War two called Crusade in Europe. It was a huge bestseller. It was ghostwritten by a communist folks, by the way, named Joseph F. L. Barnes, but we won't talk about that now. Maybe at some point, we'll get back into some of those issues. But, anyway, I won't go any farther with that. That's just an interesting side note. But Eisenhower got a tax ruling that said somehow that this just, that this just these weren't normal profits from writing a book, but they were part of his work product or something, some kind of strange ruling from the IRS. Bottom line, it saved him, and this is in 1950 money, $400,000. I mean, that would be millions, folks, in today's currency, in today's worthless inflated currency. But anyhow so Eisenhower didn't want his finances coming under the, scrutiny. It wasn't illegal, but it just stank. The high heaven. So Eisenhower was on the ceiling angry that Nixon had put him in this position, that he would have to show his finances because Nixon was gonna show his. The Democrats would have to follow suit because Nixon called them out, and so that just left Eisenhower. Anyway, so he was not happy. He was not happy, and the Taft was now on board with Eisenhower, but Eisenhower could not put him on the ticket instead of Nixon. And these guys knew what they were doing with Taft. You know, I like Taft in a lot of ways. I did mention he was a skull and bones initiate in his wayward youth. But, Taft was, for being, for everything that happened to him and for being so strident and so courageous on the issues. He was not strident and courageous on standing up to Eisenhower once Eisenhower was the nominee and tapped really. I mean, he he waited, there, but then he really kinda folded like a cheap suit, as they say. And this is gonna come up in a big way when we talk about the Bricker Amendment, which I may get to in this episode. Anyhow, Nixon's on the ticket. Taft's on board. Conservatives are falling into line because, as I said, in the fog of war, you know, these, Eisenhower's advisers were all freaked out. Oh, what what are we gonna do if we don't get to have? What are we gonna do? We gotta have Nixon. The the truth is, folks, the Republicans had been out of power since 1933. This is now 1952 and really 1953 when Eisenhower takes the, you know, when they would take the oath of office coming into that, you know, through the election, and the Republicans were desperate to win. And I've seen this psychology firsthand, and it wasn't nearly as extreme of a situation. But after eight years of Bill Clinton, this is how, the Republicans were sold on George w Bush, and they were willing to believe everything about how conservative he was because he wore cowboy boots because he had a ranch just like Ronald Reagan. You know, he was a Bush for crying out loud. He was not a conservative, never was. And, but the Republicans were desperate desperate, particularly the conservatives. The true believers were desperate to get the Democrat out of the White House, who was Bill Clinton, who was terrible, but he was hardly as bad as what we've had in the last few years out of the Democrats. But I've seen that psychology firsthand, and, of course, the Bush has played on it huge in the two thousand election and and getting, GW nominated and then to get the conservatives out into the precincts and everything to fight for him in the general election. But it was even more intense in 1952 because it had been so long since the Republicans had been in the White House and, had even really had control of the Congress. They had just that two years. I talk about all the time from '46 to '48. I keep mentioning it, folks, because that's a period where we did get some anti communist committees and some frying of a few communist, including Alger Hiss, which I mentioned in the first part of this show. Anyway, so that psychology was working big time for Ike. And more than these liberals around him and a lot of not even real Republicans probably didn't even totally get that themselves, but people fell into line. It it is bitter and upset as the, Taft forces were about being cheated at the convention. It really did fall into line pretty quickly. The general public was favorable to Eisenhower. The low information voters loved Eisenhower. The Democrats were not nominating a strong candidate because of the dynamics of this election that I've discussed that they were so far behind the eight ball on the issue set and what had happened in Korea and what had happened with the penetration of communist and the government and what had happened with the debt and the unions and all of the problems that came with the New Deal that, they knew this was a throwaway. So they put Stevenson up. He was an egghead. Stevenson was an ADA liberal liberal liberal Democrat. He even had some ties that were a little farther to the left than that during World War two. I won't get into that now, but Stevenson was not completely off the radar in terms of these congressional anti communist investigators, congressional committees, and the FBI. But, so Stephenson was not viable, not viable in any way. He wasn't, he wasn't a good communicator to the general public. He was an in intellectual, and those people loved him. But, he wasn't going to win, folks. It just wasn't going to happen, particularly against Eisenhower, but I argued in the last episode we did on this. You know, Taft would have rolled over the top of him too. Anyhow, so that was Eisenhower's competition. Didn't really have much. So as I said in the last election, he sailed to last, episode I did on Ike. Eisenhower sailed to victory with this kind of uneasy relationship, though, with his vice president and Nixon. The dynamics during the campaign. I'm gonna mention two dynamics. One of them, had to do with Nixon's communications to the base. He was off the charts. If you can find any of the old, speeches, I think some of them are on. You actually find a couple of them, I think, on YouTube. I mean, Nixon was off the charts right winger going after the communist. I mean, oh my god. I can't even believe some of the things he's saying. And, Ike hates it, but he knows it's selling. So Nixon was just a dog off the chain, and and kinda set up that pattern that has been used since then where Eisenhower is so stately and, you know, he's understated, and he's a wise older gentleman who's gonna be our great leader. And his vice president is just the attack dog. And, that's exactly, how they played it with Nixon and Ike. So, anyway, Ike wins big wins big. And he has to pick a cabinet. I won't go through all the cabinet people, but I do wanna mention a couple of people. One of them is, Ike's advisors told him that, you know, we we gotta give a couple of these slots to the TAF people. And, so let's give them agriculture because if there was any area where the New Deal was off the chain and off the charts, it was in agriculture. You remember, we talked about in the Roosevelt episodes, they were kill destroying food products. They wanted to control every facet of agriculture, control exactly how much food could be grown, how much it would cost, how it would be raised. That was overturned by the Supreme Court, the agricultural adjustment administration ruling, but they kinda backdoored a lot of these things. And, and we still have some of it today. I mean, talk to a dairyman. Just ask him how price supports and pricing works with the government with milk. You won't even understand it, folks. I mean, it's, it's it's unbelievable, but it's complete government control. And so, anyhow, you already had, by the time of the early fifties, a lot of rich farmers playing ball and fewer and fewer and fewer and fewer small farmers, and that's been a continual trend since then. But, anyway, there was so much fodder, in so many places where there could be some reforms that would be more free market reforms. They decided to give the agricultural position to a former Taft supporter. And I I I I read this one account. They said they were looking for somebody from the West. It was kinda western man represent the whole West or the Midwest and somebody who is kind of religious and more, you know, a good Protestant, somebody that had the traditionalist. So they picked a Mormon, which is not exactly that, particularly not politically. And I speak with that heritage in my family on both sides, seven generations back. And they pick a Mormon from Idaho by the name of Ezra Taft Benson, who was, key in forming farmer co ops and a complete and total foe of every facet of the New Deal and particularly every facet of the New Deal that affected agriculture. And Benson was in the cabinet all eight years of Eisenhower's, regime, and then he went right into the John Birch Society and went around the country with Robert Welch who had a book, if you remember my last episode, excoriating everything about Dwight David Eisenhower. So that's just kind of an interesting side note, really. We're not gonna talk about Benson anymore, in this series, but he was kind of the lone conservative, legit conservative, in that cabinet, but his his portfolio was agriculture. It wasn't the UN. It wasn't that kind of stuff. And, anyway, so he did agriculture, and he was very unpopular. The press hated him, and Eisenhower hung him out to dry too, but that's another story. So the other person I wanna mention, though, that was in the cabinet and very indicative of the entire game going on here, well, two picks. Eisenhower's pick for secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, and Eisenhower's pick for the head of the fairly new CIA. His, John Foster's brother, Allen Dulles, the Dulles brothers, They both work for Sullivan and Cromwell. They were both JP Morgan lawyers. They were both off the charts internationalists. They were both in the inquiry, which was a group around colonel Edward Mandel House who was at the Versailles, peace, treaty negotiations that ended World War one. They were both founders of the Council on Foreign Relations, and they were both total internationalist and left wingers. Total left wingers. But John Foster Dulles starts going around, his Ike's get ready to run, his Ike's running, saying, I am an anti communist, and if we if these communists don't get in line, we're gonna bomb them into the stone age. I mean, he was considered he wanted massive retaliation. He wanted, you know, complete nuclear, blackmail, nuclear, robust nuclear, conversation about our nukes, directed against the Soviet Union. And, that was all phony, folks. All phony. Every part of it, but that's how he talked. It was like he is, like, so right wing. We can't even believe it. But, actually, that was completely phony. As our story continues, you will determine, I'm sure, for yourselves that that was the case. And his brother Allen right there with him, and, of course, there's all kind of shaky things with Allen Dulles, particularly when we get up toward the Bay Of Pigs, and we get up toward the Kennedy assassination in our history. So those two guys, both creatures of Eisenhower, and Eisenhower, embarks upon an administration where he is talking about modern republicanism, which in itself is a complete put down of the conservatives. It's this argument that used to be made all the time. Now it's such a ridiculous argument. They don't make it, but it used to be that they would say at the in the academy that, well, I'm very progressive. I'm a modern person, so I believe in more government in everything. We need more government in everything. That's progressive. That's scientific. That's the objective way of doing things. And people that believed in the free market, that believed in the constitution, that believed in American values, they were they were so old fashioned. They were, you know, the rugged individualist is old fashioned, so far behind the times. They're behind the times. We're modern. So, you know, that was how things broke out, in the information war at one point, and Eisenhower is feeding right into this saying, I'm a modern Republican. And, you know, Eisenhower's task, once again, was to keep the international project moving forward and to prevent any backtracking, any backsliding on the big government project at home. It wasn't his job to start a whole new wave of government programs because the country was just in too conservative of a place, when he was elected. But, his job was to keep to keep there from being backsliding, from actually dismantling the New Deal. And And so Barry Goldwater, for example, called Eisenhower's program a dime store new deal because Eisenhower is always talking about, we gotta save money. My biggest thing is save money. But he wasn't talking about dismantling the big spending of the past. He just was using that as his statement of why he wasn't going to add new programs, which would have been political suicide for him. Anyway, so that was his task, was to do that, as a gatekeeper to keep keep those things on track, but he still did add new programs. He expanded the role of the, the feds in education. He expanded the role of the feds in public housing. And we we'll get into more of that stuff. But there were three things, four things, five things he did. And we're we're probably not gonna get to, we're not gonna get to all of them in the rest of this show. But he did five very, very consequential things that were bad as president of The United States. And the first one was destroying Joe McCarthy. And there was a very uneasy tension because the most popular Republican when I get was out on the campaign trail, of any of the Republicans. I mean, Nixon was becoming more and more popular with the base. He's feeding them the red meat as vice presidential candidate. But easily, the most popular, other than Eisenhower, was Joe McCarthy. Eisenhower hated Joe McCarthy. As I said, George Marshall was Ike's best friend in the military, and George Marshall was a subject of McCarthy's 60,000 word takedown, which is really a takedown of the entire establishment and the entire managed decline of the country that was already underway at that time. And it goes deeper than that, and I'll talk about that in the next episode. But taking down McCarthy was high on the list. That was one. Number two was ending these investigations, which were now starting to also build up of the tax free foundations of the Rockefeller Foundation, of the Ford Foundation, of the Fund for the Republic Foundation, which is a creature of the Ford, money of the, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which was recently headed up by a communist, Alger Hiss. And, so, that's what, many members of congress were keying in on was not just the not not the fact that there were card carrying communist in the government or that there had been, but that these foundations, the Fabian social the real core of the Fabian socialist project are these foundations working through the universities, heading out into the education system, heading out into the medical care system, heading out into our entire culture, putting social Marxism front and center, which they've done from then until now. The these foundations are at the center of the transgender industrial complex, which I talked about last week with Taylor Young, the book tran the book by that name, Transgender Industrial Complex. So transgender was not an issue in 1953 as I took office. But these foundations, their moves toward world government, their involvement in fomenting wars, and their, their, involvement in creating Marxist curriculum and one world curriculum in every school in America from kindergarten all the way up through grad school and college was a huge deal now to a lot of members of Congress who were determined to investigate this, including a man by name of Carol Reese, a man from Tennessee who had been the head of the Republican National Committee, another Taft guy, who had now, as the Republicans, have taken power in Congress along with Ike taking the White House, they're cranking up these committees again. And the two to really watch are the oversight committee, whose new chairman was Joe McCarthy, and the Reese Committee in the house, which was the committee on investigating tax free foundations. And then the third, the third huge area that Eisenhower had to take on, and he did successfully, was the move that at one point had over two thirds of the senate supporting it, which was to make a constitutional amendment that absolutely forbid international law, international treaties from being a part of our body of law and from overriding in any way the constitution of The United States. It was called the Bricker Amendment, named after another senator from Ohio, John Bricker, who was a Republican, but it had a ton of Democrat support. And Eisenhower had to stop this. This was another real threat to our friends, our corporate masters. So that where there were those three things, then number four, Eisenhower engineered a way for the, new world order project, the deep state project, whatever you wanna call it, the Fabian socialist project, to continue and make huge strides even though they wouldn't be making strides through the congress or through the White House with Eisenhower, and that was through the Supreme Court. And the new chief justice of the Supreme Court, the man I mentioned in the first half of this show, the governor of California, Earl Warren, who became the chief justice of the most left wing court in the history of The United States that did so much to change this country, to take it into really another revolution after the revolution Franklin Roosevelt took us through. So that was number four. Eisenhower teed that up. And then number five was to weaken the Republican Party and keep it and keep, thwart the momentum that was building, the America First conservative momentum, and to keep it, as the Washington generals to the Harlem Globetrotters. And he was very successful with that too. My name is Lou Moore, and you've been listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio, and we are gonna continue next week talking about the very specific things that Dwight David Eisenhower did to prevent a renaissance of America first and to keep the, project of the Fabians moving forward in this country. We'll continue next week. Take care until then.