Episode 90 Hour of Decision: Eisenhower 2: Robert Taft, the Gatekeeper’s First Target

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the a manifest destiny to bring the new Jerusalem of endless possibilities. But first, this fight for freedom. Be a part of it. But don't delay because this is the Hour of Decision. Hour of Decision with Lou Moore starts now. Welcome to the ninetieth episode of Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore. Today, we are gonna continue our series on Dwight David Eisenhower. And, last week, we talked about how Eisenhower was a gatekeeper par excellence. And today, we're gonna talk about the reason why the establishment needed a gatekeeper par excellence to keep their project, the Fabian project, going forward. So a quote now from the man who created the need for this gatekeeper, a senator from Ohio that we mentioned last week in the last part of the show by the name of Robert Taft, and he said this, quote, since 1936, the Chase National Bank has chosen every Republican candidate for president, unquote. Quite a revelation coming from Robert, Taft. So today, we're gonna talk about Robert Taft. He's gonna be the focus of this episode and his relations with Dwight Eisenhower as they both sought the presidency of The United States in 1952. We're gonna talk about Taft in relation to Eisenhower's critical emergence as a candidate running for office and the more critical, pivotal election of nineteen fifty two. As we said last week, Robert Taft, senator from Ohio, was the grandson of Alfonso Taft. Alfonso Taft was the secretary of war and then the attorney general under Ulysses s Grant, a president who had possibly the most corrupt administration in the history of The United States after the war between the states. But, Grant brought, Alfonso Taft in to clean up after, a lot of the corruption that had been exposed. And so Taft was never accused of that kind of activity and was in fact a kind of representative of somebody fighting corruption in the grant administration, but Alfonso Taft was also one of the founders as a student, an earnest student at Yale University. He was one of the founders of Skull and Bones, which is a controversial elitist secret society accused of being at the core of this conspiracy that we talk about almost every week to bring about gradually total government in this country and world government across the globe. And, somebody who's written about this extensively, and I'm gonna recommend this book to you now because I'm not going to talk about Skull and Bones. I'm not gonna get in all that, but I do, I have to by taking that pass. Today, I have to recommend the book by Anthony Sutton, former professor at the Hoover Institute at Stanford University. Doctor Sutton wrote an excellent book called America's Secret Establishment, which is the history of skull and bones. So check it out, and you'll have to match up for yourself, the background now of not just, the grandfather of Robert Taft or the father of Robert Taft, but Robert Taft himself was also initiated while he was a student at Skull and Bones. But Robert Taft's father was William Howard Taft, who was the president of The United States from nineteen o eight when he was electable from nineteen o nine, technically, to 1913 when he was deposed in what I called in a recent episode of our decision, a rigged election. Because the powers that be, the Chase National Bank types that hovered around both political parties brought in Teddy Roosevelt, one of the most popular Americans ever. Teddy Roosevelt whose visage is on Mount Rushmore as we speak. Teddy Roosevelt who was the president before Taft, they brought him back after one term of Taft when Taft wasn't playing ball, when they decided at Jekyll Island in nineteen o eight to, create a central bank for The United States to avert eventually be merged with the other central banks in Europe controlled by the same elitist to set up a semi private bank in The United States to control our money. And, that's another topic into itself. We've touched on it in several episodes. But Taft was not real warm to the idea because the proposal they gave him would have put a tremendous amount of power in the New York branch of the Federal Reserve and of the, and thereby the New York banks. Taft was a creature of Ohio, really of the Midwest, and did not wanna see a a center of gravity moved in that way to that degree to New York, so he resisted. He was not a conservative. He was not, I mean, he was to a degree a progressive. Everybody was just about, at that time, a progressive in politics in 1912, but he did resist the powers that be, and they took him out. You know, I talk all about that in my episode on the fateful election of nineteen twelve. That's the election that brought in Woodrow Wilson that brought in the real acceleration and the real beginnings of the Fabian project with the Federal Reserve, with the income tax, with the beginning of loosening of the tariff wall around The United States, and certainly with The US intervention in World War one. So Robert Taft now we're going now to Robert Taft, the fellow that would run against Dwight Eisenhower in 1952 and scare the hell out of the establishment. That's how Robert Taft, very loyal to his family, had a huge bust of his father in his, senatorial office. He had this skull and bones background, but he also had the background of knowing that his father was screwed by the New York banks, by the powers that be, the corporate masters as they were at that time in The United States. So that was his background. Anyway, so Taft got elected to to the senate for the first time, Robert Taft, we're talking about now, in 1938. A pivotal year because this is the year, that really marked the end of the new deal and the end of, the Democrats being united around Franklin Delano Roosevelt's project to centralize a ton of power onto the federal government, through the new deal. And so that was the pivot year. If you followed my series on Franklin Roosevelt, and I talk about, one of the episodes is called FDR pivots to war. And that pivot began after, the disappointing election in 1938 and the obvious, abandonment of, FDR, you know, the abandonment of fervent support of FDR by particularly southern, members of congress and members of the senate, but other conserve more conservative Democrats in other parts of the country as well. So that's when Taft first was elected in 1938. Taft, of course, opposed Roosevelt's growingly interventionist foreign policy. He was America first all the way, and he also was a trenchant, constant, and very sophisticated opponent of every aspect of Roosevelt's new deal. And this caused half, even though he'd only been in the senate just for a few months, it caused him to run for president in 1940. But unfortunately for America, two internationalist, eastern backed and eastern based, Republicans fought it out, and Wendell Willkie, who was the most internationalist. He wrote a book called One World. He became the nominee and, of course, lost heavily to Roosevelt. I talk about this in my Roosevelt series. But the American first, America First movement was very strong. You would think an America first candidate like Taft could have done pretty well in 1940. America first, the organization America first was having large rallies all over America. They had a number of industrialists behind them, and they also had Charles Lindbergh, possibly the most popular American, period, at that time, was their major spokesman. But America First was not a partisan organization. They were bipartisan, and they had elements from both the left and the right in their organization, and it just didn't fit into the dynamics of presidential politics, which is and is still, divided between Republicans and Democrats in every aspect. And so there was no real America first candidate of any strength in 1940, and, of course, the results of that became clear after the bombing of Pearl Harbor in 1941. Taft, like Trump, was from the upper classes, but like Trump, he had a blue collar appeal. He was blunt. He was fearless. But unlike Trump, he was also very unpretentious. He would wear the same clothes day after day, stuff like that. He didn't really care about the outward appearances, and, of course, this is also before the advent of television, but there were news reels that, had video portrayals of politicians at that time. But anyhow, Taft was kind of unpretentious and very focused on his mission as a United States senator. He also had a photographic memory, and this, he shares this trait with Richard Milhouse Nixon, who we will briefly talk about. We may not get to Nixon in this episode, but we certainly will talk about him in the upcoming episode. Nixon who became Eisenhower's vice presidential candidate. Anyway, Taft shared that, trait with Nixon. And he, Taft could be flexible on some issues, kinda like Trump that way. He could be flexible, but also like Trump, he was rigidly, and I would portray Trump this way, rigidly, America first. So Taft, won in 1938. Yes. He won his senate seat. He won reelection in 1944, but he barely won, which kinda taught him a lesson about elections. You better be focused on them if you are a public official who is elected. And so he barely won, but he retained his seat in 1944. And then in 1946, he emerged as one of the leaders of this, senate because now for the first time since the beginning of the depression, the Republicans took control of both the house and the senate in what I've described as a populist rebellion against the New Deal, against internationalism, and, particularly against the unions who had become very powerful and orchestrated thousands and thousands of strikes in America during this period against the unions and against communists and against new dealers who really were communists and who were in our government and not just stealing microfilm and things like this, but were, in fact, driving in many cases, American policy. So these were the issues that, brought the Republicans to victory, but it was an off year, and it was in 1946. So Taft became a leader. He became, at that point, a national leader. He wasn't the leader of the Republicans in the senate, but he was a leader. And he, at that time, the Republican senate caucus was divided almost down the middle between those who were heavily influenced by the eastern establishment and who would be called very easily called internationalist, and, this other group who could be called conservatives, they used to call them the old guard, but they were much more, if not totally, America first, very suspicious of overseas entanglements, very much against what had happened to the role of the federal government through the new deal. And, of course, Taft was in that group, which was about half the caucus. But Taft made himself useful to the entire caucus because he was constantly trying to come up with arguments on various issues, some of them rather obscure issues, for the Republicans. And, folks, it used to be now I don't know what these people do in the house and the senate, but it used to be that you would go to the congress or you'd go to the senate. You'd get reelected several times, and in that process, you would become a specialist on one or two particular issues. You see an issue connected to your home state, or you might become a a so called expert on foreign policy. And then in the caucus, people would rely on each other, on each other's expertise in various areas. But Taft came in, and this is how it was back in the late nineteen forties. But Taft came in, and he became an expert on every issue with his photographic memory, with his Trump like work ethic. He worked, like, eighteen hours a day. And on his determination to craft arguments to support his views on various issues. So even though he was on one side of the fence in this Republican caucus and he was not with the internationalist, even a lot of them relied on Taft, in areas that weren't, controversial between the two groups. So he made himself very useful. He had a particular mastery of economics and labor policy, which was extremely important because that's how they got their majority, as I just said, because of all this labor unrest. And sure enough, in 1947, Taft would be one of the two, sponsors and, Taft drove the passage of a massive bill that still affects America a lot today called Taft Hartley. And what it did was take away some of the incredible advantages that FDR gave unions, like banning closed shops, banning the idea that you absolutely had to join a union to, be part of a closed shop, and also set up this system of right to work states, where state by state, state states could prevent unions from extracting dues and extracting membership from, workers and, and making sure there were elections on shop floors and elections at companies to where unions could not take over companies unless there was a majority of the, membership, you know, wherever it was at an aircraft plant or whatever they wanted to join the union. This really, really upset the union movement and also took away to a degree their political power, and they were the principal engine. I mean, I've talked about organized jury and the, people that became the Israel lobby. I've talked about other elements of the Democrat Coalition, but the central element at this time we're unions because we had millions and millions and millions of members of unions and millions and millions and millions of workers in industry, something we don't have today. America is totally different now. But anyway, so this was not a small deal. And, Truman vetoed Taft Hartley, of course, because of the danger this was to the, old new deal coalition into the Democrat party, but Taft talked some conservative Democrats into overriding this veto. So they got more than, they got two thirds of the senate to go against the president as after he vetoed this and so it became law. A huge success for the Republicans with political consequences. Taft went after Dewey, Thomas Dewey, who ran in '44, he ran in '44. Taft didn't run against him in '44. He had to run for reelection to senate. He ran against him in '40, but Thomas Dewey was the governor of New York, a quintessential internationalist, New York, Republican liberal figure, and, to happy to run at him him in '48, but he still really wasn't strong enough in this caucus system. And remember, again, folks, people did not get elected or did not get nominated for president through, primarily through primaries as now as they now do. There's only a few states that have caucuses. At that time, almost every state had a caucus, and it was party insiders who determined the nominees for president in both the Republican and Democrat parties. Taft did not have enough strength under that setup to beat Thomas Dewey. So then Dewey ran and we talked about this in the last episode. Everybody thought he was gonna be a shoe in, that no way could he lose the the very unpopular Harry Truman, a terrible president and incompetent president. But in fact, Dewey did lose. Truman despite the fact that the Democrats were split three ways, Truman was able to get a huge boost of support from the Jewish community by supporting the state of Israel, and he also whipped these unions into line who were terrified. After what happened with this tapped Hartley loss, they suffered in 1947. So, Dewey lost to Truman, and what that really sets up is the, election in 1952. But anyway, before we get to that, Taft had to run again for senate in 1950, and he was target number one of the union movement and really of the Democrats because he had become such an articulate leader for the Republicans. And people started calling him mister Republican. And, so he was a big target, and he was in Ohio. Ohio, not an automatic Republican state then. I mean, it pretty much is now. It totally was not back then, folks. In fact, Ohio was a bellwether. If you won Ohio, you generally won the presidency. If you lost Ohio, you generally did not win the presidency. And this is relevant when we start talking about Taft running in '52. But anyway, so Taft had a titanic battle and ran, for senate. Tons of money put in against him, but 70,000 small donations for Taft, a huge, outpouring of grassroots support in what was a very violent election. So we can talk about that just for a minute, and, let me do so. So, sporadic acts of violence. I'm quoting now out of a book called mister Republican written by James Patterson. I'm just gonna read this to you. Sporadic acts of violence and intimidation accompanied rhetorical excesses. In Waynesboro, somebody splatter Taft in the chest with a tomato. In Dayton, thugs beat a Taft worker unconscious. In Cincinnati, they threw rocks through a car window. On other occasions, they let the air out of the tires at GOP rallies defacing Republican billboards and intimidating workers, on the shop floors. This is workers at their workplace who did not contribute to to fight cap Taft's campaign. This is almost entirely being orchestrated by the unions folks. At the, strife ridden Youngstown Steel and Tube Company, union leaders called the strike that shut down the boiler room and threw 1,300 men out of work just a few hours before Taft's announced visit to that plant. Cheerfully, Taft ordered his car into the dusty heat of the plant. When he reached the pickets, he found them milling about in his way, jeering him, catcalling. The mood was tense and ugly, but he told his driver to stop, leaned far out of the car window, and waved. He said, hello there, fellows. He called out. Taken aback, the workers fell silent. He then moved on, entering the plant, holding out his hand to those men still at work, amidst the roaring flames and giant rollers of the mill. Some ignored him, but many more, perhaps angered by the union's precipitate action, responded to him. As if in triumph, Taft strode an estimated four miles through all of the mills in the area that day. And the next day, he marched through plants in Warren and Ashtabera, Ohio. Apparently, oblivious to danger, he visited in he visited factories throughout his campaign. After Youngstown, no one doubted his personal courage. My name is Lou Moore, and you're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio, and we will continue right after the news. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore. When we finished up, the last segment of the show, we were talking about the courage of Robert Taft going right in onto the floor of union shops when the unions were trying to kill him. And, some of them were. Some of the union, violent elements of the unions were after Taft. He showed tremendous courage, but he also got a lot of them supporting him, which is the more important element of this. Taft was talking about union excesses, and he was talking about the communist problem that America had. He was calling for a more vigorous investigation of the communist at home, A theme of many 1950 races after the famous speech of Joe McCarthy in Wheeling, West Virginia, which had occurred earlier during the campaign of nineteen fifty. Taft won over 40% of the union vote in Ohio in that general election. Big trouble. Big trouble for Democrats. In Youngstown, it was estimated that he won over 60% of the union vote. And Taft Taft overall, despite the tons of money and the smear campaign that they put on against him, won a victory with 57% of the vote in Ohio. Keep in mind, folks, this is a critical bellwether state to win the White House. And, another interesting element of this was the unions were accusing Taft to be pro communist because of his refusal to support NATO and some of these overseas adventures and expenditures that, the bipartisan foreign policy, which was half the Republicans and the most of the Democrats in the senate were supporting the bipartisan foreign policy so called of Harry s Truman and which was also the beginnings of the national security state. So Taft was attacked for some of these things, but he was very anti communist, and he wanted to find out about these communist that had been influencing policy at home. So Taft was courageous. He was smart, articulate, and he could be, as I said, flexible. For example, he supported public housing, federal public housing. I wouldn't have supported that, but he did as did Joe McCarthy, by the way, at that time. There was a housing crisis in America after the war. He also supported federal aid to education as long as the states were not told how to spend the money, which that may sound fine to a lot of you. I'm totally against that as well. However, I'm just saying, to have supported these things, he was not a rigid ideologue. He understood what issues were popular. He supported a few of them. He also parted with the Republican orthodoxy of this time. Remember, we're talking the early nineteen fifties now, folks. And he supported the state of Israel, which, helped him a little bit with all those Jewish, editors of various publications that were otherwise apoplectic about his views on other issues. It's kind of a freebie because, you know, he wasn't driving the policy. Truman was, and it was already pro Israel. And it was a very different issue in 1950. Just gonna tell you, he supported Israel. And he was but more important than any of those things, I mean, that is indicative as was his victory in Ohio that he was a viable candidate for president of The United States. And, he was gaining notice now and support among the party faithful all over the country. Again, this is important because it's the party faithful that are, nominating, the presidents from the various part from the two parties. It's not done in primaries. It's not done with television ads. It's done almost exclusively by the party faithful and by party officials. And party leaders further up the food chain from the party faithful, from the grassroots workers, were seeing this popularity of Taft, and many of them as he began his presidential quest were falling into line. And that was a very good thing for Taft as the election of nineteen fifty two approached. So the Democrats were so weak that nobody Most people didn't think they could win in '48. Now nobody thought they could win in 1952, not after Russia got the bomb because of spies in our government, not after the Chinese took over, the communist took over China after general Marshall disarmed 39 divisions of the nationalist Chinese, not after, Roosevelt gave half of Korea to the communist in the Yalta agreement, and then we ended up in a war that we were winning. And then, MacArthur, the general MacArthur, who was leading that victorious effort, the most popular general, I would argue, even more popular than Eisenhower maybe, was fired by Truman. And, and then just terrible, terrible economy. There were so many problems. Nobody thought. Nobody thought the Democrats could win again in 1952. So, that was a situation that the establishment was taking a look at. Here is this guy. He's popular. He's winning blue collar, workers even though he's the leading opponent of the unions in the country. He's very articulate. He's very energetic. And, he is very popular in a key state, a bellwether state as to who is gonna be the next president. He's against NATO. He's against the UN. He's for investigating communist and, congressional committees to investigate communist. And he is against this whole one world movement and has said so many, many times. So, this was Taft's hour. The candidate who opposed the regulatory state deficit spending, the big banks, and the UN, NATO, and overseas entanglements was about to become the GOP nominee and almost a sure bet. After that to win the general election and become president. But that didn't happen. So why didn't it happen? So now to explain that, we have to return to our principal subject of this series, Dwight David Eisenhower. That's why they have to not be compressive. As I said, Eisenhower was a colonel for years and years, never in a combat theater, got in trouble early on. His career was totally stalled out even though he became friends early on with Bernard Baruch. I haven't gotten into that one. And then, but he was discovered by Anna Roosevelt and by FDR and became, like Marshall, another flunky, another guy who Marshall lost his command. He was another colonel. These two colonels ended up running our entire military operations in Europe, and Marshall, of course, was also over, MacArthur in Asia. So and then, so Ike becomes a commander of allied forces. He's fond over by the press as the hero of the war in Europe, and they didn't talk about all the sketchy things he was involved with after the war, like operation keelhaul, which I talked about in the last episode, forced marching people, back to Russia, people who are committing suicide if they could if they get a a a they're on these trains. This BBC documentary has all these folks. You could look it up, I think, on YouTube. It's still there. Mass suicides of people who were determined not to have to go back to Stalin's Soviet Union. Ike was all about getting them back there for, Stalin who, you know, was supposed to be our ally. Ike was a total creature of FDR, but the Democrats were on the ropes, as I said, even in 1948. There was Democrat fatigue. They had a divided party. Truman was not popular, the anti communist issue, and then they had their big loss with Taft Hartley, gutting to a degree the power political power of the unions. And so during this time, we're now going back I'm going back now to 1948 because we're now picking up Eisenhower's political story to get to the matchup with him and tapped. During this time, the leftist new deal Fabian Democrats, the new dealers, in other words, who knew the only hope to keep power was within the Democrat party. They knew very well that no third party effort would be of any value whatsoever, and they also knew how incompetent Truman was, how unpopular Truman was. They organized a group called the Americans for Democratic Action. Acronym was ADA. And, you know, the ADA, nobody talks about them now. I think they're still a group, but they were a powerhouse starting with the election of nineteen forty eight, and they were founded by Eleanor Roosevelt, the widow of FDR, by, that labor leader that I talk about. I I have a whole episode on him, Walter Reuther, one of the key leftist of the twentieth century. I mean, I'm talking about key. You can't name a left wing movement of the latter half of the twentieth century in America that he was not at the center of and in many ways and often funding it in his role as the president of the United Auto Workers. So, Eleanor Roosevelt, Reuther, and Arthur Schlesinger, the man who wrote in 1947 that the way that we were going to get socialism and total government in America was through a series of new deals. In other words, he rearticulated, the Fabian strategy, for the audience there, coming up to the run up of this election in 1948. Our green why it was so important that they that they, elect yet one more new deal type candidate to try to keep this momentum for total government growing. So that was Arthur Schlesinger. Later, he was one of the two principal aids to John f Kennedy. So they were three of the most important people involved with founding this organization, called the Americans for Democrat Democratic Action. But what they did not think, they wanted to stay they wanted people to stay with the Democrat party. There was a huge bailout of extreme leftist and and communist, to the progressive party that was organized in 1948 around Henry Wallace. Henry Wallace, a hero of the New Deal, and the former vice president of FDR until more conservative Democrats forced Roosevelt to take him off the ticket, to take Wallace off the ticket in 1944 and put Harry Truman on the ticket. This is how Truman became president. And, anyway, so they were going off to the left, Strom Thurmond, and the Dixiecrats were going off to the right in the Democrat party over the integration issue, and these are the southerners, the solid South people, the people that were delivering electoral votes election after election automatically really up until this time to the Democrats. They'd both peeled off. ADA is in trying to salvage the Democrat party, but they think Truman's at zero. They don't think he can do it. So they try to bring in a war hero to unite the Democrats and keep the new deal functioning, and his name was Dwight David Eisenhower. Their candidate, folks, was Eisenhower. Eleanor Roosevelt loved Eisenhower. These people were all party insiders. And so when Eisenhower ran against Taft, these people tried to say around him, oh, Eisenhower was always a good Republican. He was a Republican his whole life, but he was such a diligent military leader that he didn't want to express any partisan views while he was in the military. But, folks, this is just a lie. He was a Democrat. He was a total tool of Franklin Roosevelt and allowed himself to be politicized by Roosevelt. That's why he got the job. That's why Roosevelt was so happy with it. That's why the liberal press was so happy with it. And, so this was a lie, and it's been exposed. Robert Farrell did a, a monograph on, on Eisenhower always being a Democrat. Robert Farrell Farrell, a very much establishment historian, Robert h Farrell. Look it up, folks. Anyway, he documents the lie that was told by the media because they all went along with it once the plan changed. But in '48, in 1948, they tried to get Ike to run as a Democrat to stave off the Republicans who they were sure were going to beat Truman. But Ike said no, because he didn't think yeah. Like most people, he didn't think the Democrats had any chance of winning no matter who their candidate was. And, of course, they were proven wrong because Truman went to the Israel lobby. Trump, Israel supporters at that time organized jury. He went to the unions and fired up the unions who had just had that huge defeat at the hands of Robert Taft with Taft Hartley. And the other thing that people didn't calculate was how terrible of a candidate the Republicans had put in with Thomas Dewey, who thought he was a shoe in. And now this went right up to election day, folks. There's I think it was it was it the New York Times? They want to get ahead of things. They actually published a headline that said, Dewey wins. So they could have this paper out before the other papers or whatever on election day. Ridiculous. I'll look it up. There's pictures. You can see it online. People holding up pictures saying, Dewey wins in this, major newspaper, but he didn't win. He lost. He lost to Truman. He was a terrible candidate, and Truman turned out to be a pretty good candidate. He wasn't a good president, but he was a fighter. So, anyway, Eisenhower had to watch Truman take the White House, but now we're gonna move forward to the nineteen fifty two election, and Truman's popularity is like, 21%. The public is totally sick of the Democrats. All the issues that people worried about in 1948 were still there in 1952, only the public was even more affected by them. And nobody nobody thought that, the democrats could win yet one more election. So that made the nomination on the republican side so critical, particularly to our corporate masters. So, anyway, at some point, Ike began to prepare to enter the race in 1952, and, of course, as a good Republican. And, and now I'm going to read to you a little bit further out of a manuscript written by me several years ago. So it was Ike versus Taft in the Republican primary. The general thought to have won World War two for the allies under the direction of two presidents who were notorious Democrats was no sure thing in the GOP primaries against mister Republican. The acclaimed pro Eisenhower biographer, Stephen Ambrose, got right to the point. This is now quoting, I'm reading my manuscript, but I'm now in the manuscript quoting Stephen Ambrose. Now the truth was that Eisenhower had been one of FDR's principal agents in carrying out his foreign policy in Europe during the war and Truman's chairman of the joint chiefs of staff when China was lost to the communist. Eisenhower was hardly an unwilling agent. No matter how much he dodged, equivocated, denied, or explained his actions, it was inescapable that he had loyally, indeed, enthusiastically helped FDR's policy. His refusal to race the Russians to Berlin and his attempts to get along with Zhukov, the head of the Russian military, in the second half of 1945 gave the strongest possible support to the Yalta agreements, which I've talked about on a number of occasions. His close involvement with the Truman administration in 1948 and 1949 had given at least implied consent to the China policy. These facts were the major obstacle to winning the nomination. He knew it, and he had to leap over it. So now back just finishing my manuscript here, beyond Ike's own baggage, the troika of liberal globalist Republicans who assumed the helm of likes of Ike's campaign did not inspire confidence among the conservative GOP either. Governor Thomas Dewey of New York, the twice defeated Republican standard bearer, deployed his huge network within the GOP as did Massachusetts senator Henry Cabot Lodge. They were joined by the former Studebaker CEO and administrator of the Marshall Plan, Paul Hoffman, who served on the boards of the Leftish Ford Foundation and the communist infested Institute of Pacific Relations. Hoffman, by the way, was also a member of Americans United for World Government. So these are the people heading the Eisenhower campaign, but they were determined to beat Taft. And the first thing they tried to deploy because Eisenhower was very popular. He was extremely popular. There's no doubt about it. Was that Taft can't win. Taft can't win. It was a whispering campaign and went all through, the party ranks, and they tried to get people to, to buy into this idea. Taft can't win. We just discussed how Taft, won blue collar workers in the bellwether state of The United States, Ohio, to win his senate seat by 57 of the votes in 1950. But, nonetheless, you know, shameless as they are, Tav can't win. Tav can't win. It it was the same thing they tried to do with JFK in 1960 when Truman and others who hated JFK said, he's too young and inexperienced. I love JFK, but he's too young and inexperienced. It was the same kind of whispering campaign among the party elites who would decide at the convention. You know, it's not like a primary, who would decide who the president would be. So, Taft, to make a long story short, Taft went to the convention with more than enough delegates to win, but a lot of these delegates were a little bit soft because the higher up the food chain you went, where people were mouthing for Taft, they were also beholden to their corporate masters. You know, the the the Republican Party didn't just transform overnight to become Taft's party. So he went to the convention with the majority of delegates, but then here comes the second part. The Taft can't win thing only went so far. The second part was this idea that Taft had stolen a bunch of delegates through backroom dealing, in certain states like Texas. And, Time Magazine did a big piece on this. The whole corporate establishment. Oh, to have to he's such a big crook. Nobody had ever accused him of anything like this before. He had totally out of character. Oh, a bit. But anyway, so every delegate is getting this reprint from Time Magazine. All this Taft, he stole. He stole. Eisenhower is so popular and Taft can't win. And so they're just pounding these delegates for this, and then they start doing procedural votes to strip Taft delegates in places like Texas who they claimed were not seated there properly. And this is when some of the softer delegates, from on high who had said they were supporting Taft, were traders. And this convention folks, I mean, people are wearing running around and massing Taft's a thief and, fake guns and they're doing, you know, cosplay on the floor of the convention. Fist fights are breaking out on the floor of the convention because of all these lies that these people were telling, and there were some conservatives who understood what was at stake. And what was at stake, folks, was the whole direction of this country because we had an opportunity to turn the ship around with Robert Taft. And as we go farther into the Eisenhower story, you'll see how important this is. It was Eisenhower that took down McCarthy. It was Eisenhower that prevented an amendment from the to the constitution to keep these foreign agreements from ever interfering with our constitution. It was Eisenhower that stopped and thwarted the investigation of the tax free foundations. This was this is all coming down the road a little bit, folks. But, anyway, Eisenhower is able to prevail over tapped at the convention, and, of course, as as was predicted, he was a shoo in, and he was really a shoo in because he was very popular in the general election. I have a little bit more to talk about with that election that's not involving Taft so much as it is Richard Nixon. We'll do that in the next episode. My name is Lou Moore, and you are listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio, and we will see you next week.