Episode 89 Hour of Decision: Eisenhower: Gatekeepers
Hour Of DecisionAugust 30, 20250:48:3466.84 MB

Episode 89 Hour of Decision: Eisenhower: Gatekeepers

Lew begins a series on President Dwight Eisenhower with a general discussion of “gatekeeping,” the effort the Establishment undertakes to prevent populist rebellion by bleeding support off to politicians who are actually doing their bidding, despite representations that may be made. Lew uses the example of William F. Buckley as an establishment gatekeeper operating within the conservative movement.


He then moves to setting up the historical situation that required an Establishment intervention into the presidential election of 1952, through the candidacy of Dwight David Eisenhower.


A populist rebellion fueled by the successes of communism abroad and revelations of communists operating at the highest levels of government at home threatened internationalist projects like the UN. The Republicans appeared to be ready to nominate America First candidate Robert Taft, and that effort had to be stopped.


You can watch Hour of Decision on Rumble, on the NewsforAmerica channel.

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the a manifest destiny to bring the new Jerusalem of endless possibilities. But first, this fight for freedom. Be a part of it. But don't delay because this is the hour of decision. Hour of decision with Lou Moore starts now. Welcome to the eighty ninth episode of hour of decision. My name is Lou Moore. Today, we are gonna talk about gatekeepers and specifically, possibly the most consequential gatekeeper, of the twentieth century at least, if not the the whole modern era of politics, we'll be talking about president Dwight David Eisenhower. So, let's get right into it. So the whole idea of a gatekeeper is somebody that keeps those, keeps the natives from getting too restless, keeps that populous movement from gaining some steam, keeps the establishment in place and the establishment agenda on track. And in the case of America, as I dis have discussed in innumerable episodes of hour of decision, that agenda, it was what they called the liberal consensus or the bipartisan consensus, which ran, at least since the end of World War two up until just a few years ago, from the nineteen forties until very recent times. And that consensus was, we needed to build world governmental institutions and build toward a wonderful world government while at the same time at home, increasingly every day centralizing power in Washington DC and getting government to do more and more things to make life a whole lot better for you. Of course, it has not made life better because government is terrible. But the dangers of the centralization of power that have resulted from this entire project, which is in fact, folks, the Fabian socialist project, the gradualist Marxist project that's been undertaken in this country at the highest levels, at least since the administration of Woodrow Wilson, who was elected in 1913, that, dangerous centralization of power under this regime may yet result in total government, absolute power and control over you, and an end to your personal liberties, to your constitutional rights, to the defining elements of what makes America America. So, anyway, in this process of centralizing power in Washington DC and in this process of getting more and more and more tangled up overseas, both militarily and through trade agreements like the World Trade Organization and NAFTA and health agreements, like the, the health agree the, UN health agreement, UNESCO, and all of the UN programs. I mean, the UN is the center of the, superstructure that they're trying to build to eventually create a one world government. In this whole process, that is so dangerous, there is the gatekeeper, the fellow who keeps or, can't be a gal, but it's been fellows primarily who keep America on track in this project. Of course, it's been pretty significantly disrupted by our current president Donald Trump, but I don't really wanna talk about Trump today and how much he is, knuckling under to the establishment and how much he is not because in many regards, he is not. But I really wanna take a look at Dwight David Eisenhower. But before we get to president Eisenhower, and this is gonna kick off an a series now, a new series in my presidential series. We've done five episodes on Franklin Delano Roosevelt. We did three audio only episodes on John f Kennedy, and then we came back with one and a half episodes kind of summarizing, that in both audio and video. And then we did an episode on Harry Truman, who, if you weren't sure about it, was a terrible president. The name of the the name of that one. So anyway, now I'm moving past Truman to Dwight David Eisenhower, but I'm gonna start out by talking a little bit of practical politics as opposed to history and talking about these here gatekeepers. So, a real good example of a gatekeeper in the conservative movement, which is often where you find these people, was William f Buckley. Some a lot of you have heard of William f Buckley. Some of you might really like William f Buckley. I unfortunately heard Rush Limbaugh in one of his last broadcast, extolling the virtues of William f Buckley and National Review magazine. Buckley was, from money from the East, and had a show for years on PBS called Firing Line, which, you know, he came up when there wasn't talk radio, when there really was no conservative media, just a little bit around the edges. And he had the one national program that was on every week. It was a talk show where he would debate people, discuss issues called firing line. And everybody thought Buckley was just great. And in the fifties, he he started out pretty good with National Review magazine. It was really the first magazine of that type that was trying to coalesce conservative ideas, help to centralize the conservative movement to rationalize it. Frank Meyer at that magazine came up with what they called the three legged stool, uniting the rather disparate elements of the right in the nineteen fifties, the, traditionalist, the people who wanted traditional values, the libertarian types, the people who wanted free markets, primarily, and the anti communist who were a huge group at that time, and that kind of encompassed nationalists, people who wanted America to look out for its interests, and very focused at this point by the nineteen fifties on the expansion all over the world of communism. So, you know, that was a, that was a value add that National Review and Buckley and Buckley's team provided. But as time went on, Buckley more and more took on the role of a gatekeeper. A perfect example, and a rather stark example is when he excommunicated the John Birch Society, the followers of Ayn Rand, and basically the whole libertarian movement. And there was some other organization he had in there, but he declared they were no longer conservatives. And he had the ear of Ronald Reagan. He had the ear of Barry Goldwater. He had the ear of a lot of the movement conservatives and particularly, within the Republican party. And so, you know, Buckley, I mean, he was a big deal. He was a great talker, a great debater. And, so everyone in the conservative movement knew who who he was, and he impacted his thinking impacted a lot of them, but his thinking more and more, pushed the conservatives into the establishment mode. He was telling everybody how great Henry Kissinger was. He was telling everybody it would just be fine if we got rid of the Panama Canal. As I said, he ex commuted, excommunicated. I think he used that term. The John Birch Society and like minded, conservatives from the conservative movement, and that was because of their focus on the constitution and their outrage of how much we have violated the constitution, how far government has expanded beyond the 28 enumerated powers, that are laid out in the constitution, the only powers the federal government is supposed to take unto itself. The rest of the powers out there are supposed to belong to the states or to the people and not to any level of government. But, and the other part of that situation was the fact that the Birchers were all over the deep state. What we now call the deep state, they called it the conspiracy, but it was really the same thing. They put, you know, they put out great books. I mean, you hear me talk about them all the time, but a perfect example is this book right here. Which you see in a whole lot of life, Fabian Freeway. It's the whole story of this Fabian movement that I talk about all the time. The idea of gradually delivering us from a constitutional republic into a Marxist state. And, as I've also said many times, the revolution really did occur under Franklin Roosevelt, but it's just continued from there going from a chain state from a from a government where, the federal government just thinks they can get into everything. I mean, this has gone on since Roosevelt, but, heading us toward total government, total tyranny. And, so, you know, that's where the birchers were at, but that's not where Williamette Buckley was at. And then, coincidentally enough, one of the other issues that really set off Buckley was the Burch societies and primarily we're now actually talking about the leader of the Burch society, Rod Robert Welch's animus toward Dwight David Eisenhower, who was, one of the most popular people in America before he ran for president, while he was president, and then for many, many years after, even though he was terrible. Eisenhower was terrible. And, and as I'm going to discuss for the rest of this episode and a couple of more probably, he had a real impact on this country, and it wasn't a good one. And his impact primarily was not to move the Fabian project rapidly as Franklin Delano Roosevelt did, as Lyndon Baines Johnson did, as John f Kennedy tried to do, as Obama did, but his job was just to keep it from going backwards or from being attacked and actually taken down in the early nineteen fifties. That was his job, Eisenhower's job, and he did a very good job taking care of that. But people were not stupid, And so Robert Wells put out a book. I believe it it first came out in 1958, and it was not intended for a public audience. It was a private letter he wrote to, like, 300, friends, followers, staunch members of the bird society, which laid out in great detail, extremely well documented detail, hundreds and hundreds of footnotes of detail, the entire scam that was Dwight David Eisenhower, and he called that book. It became a book. It was a a a long letter. Robert Welch could write a letter. Let me tell you. It could be a 100 pages. Easy. And this was a lot more than that. This was hundreds of pages. It was a manuscript. Maybe that's the right term for it. Called The Politician, but somebody leaked it. And so it got out into the public. Welch didn't really, knowing how popular Eisenhower was, he didn't wanna get the bird society too tangled up in his very staunch views on Eisenhower. He wanted that because, he was only the president for a brief period, from the time that Birch Society was formed, and then he was out of office. Yeah. Welch wanted to stay on the big picture of reversing this, big government consensus at home and the world government construction going on overseas, and he didn't wanna get all off on, you know, talking about Eisenhower every time the Birch Society appeared in public. But that ended up happening because this manuscript, the politician, was leaked. After it was leaked, then, he went ahead and privately printed it. And, I don't see a copy of it looking looking into my camera here. I'm looking at my books behind me. I don't see a copy of it right there. I have several copies of it annotated, to the max. And, it's a great book. It's a fantastic book, and it's a pretty deep book. But, anyway, so Wells had the the book was out, was in the public, and that's when the super attack on the John Birch Society began, which was, you know, really, like, three years after their formation because they were growing and exploding all over the country with chapters in local communities. Not a Beltway banded operation, not a PO box somewhere asking you for money every week. They were organizing people all over America to take their country back. Hundreds of thousands of them, and they were pretty radical because they were focused on the mission. And so, the derailment of that mission began around 1962, and I I don't wanna get off on that too much, but a lot of it centered around Welch's attack on Dwight David Eisenhower in this book, The Politician. And that's what William F. Buckley focused on when later down the road, he announced in National Review magazine that the Burch Society was excommunicated from the conservative movement, and that was pretty rich for Buckley considering that, as I said in an earlier episode, there were 100 birchers on the floor of the nineteen sixty four Republican convention, and they were key and critical to the Barry Goldwater campaign to the whole movement that was conservatism because they were on the ground, because they were a grassroots organization, because their people were well informed and highly motivated, where Buckley was sidelined by the Go Water campaign and really was just talking on the sidelines and, probably very jealous of the central role that members of the Bert Society had in that first epic conservative campaign. But anyway so Buckley, later on, as I said, telling everybody how great it would be to give the Panama Canal to a Marxist dictator in Panama, which essentially gave it to the Chinese Communist Party down the road, which is the situation that Trump is pushing back on today. Finally, Buckley was, lauding all kinds of efforts of Henry Kissinger. Oh, he is so tough out there in the foreign policy arena. And and more and more, Buckley was just a mouthpiece of the right, kinda like Dick Cheney was later, a so called mouthpiece on the right for, the CFR, the Council on Foreign Relations program. And, terrible. Terrible. And Buckley ended up to be, you know, counterproductive at minimum. And so I would call him a very good example of the of a gatekeeper because a whole lot of people who were conservative did not make that, which is really a pretty natural progression into understanding some of the deeper aspects of why there is so much socialism in America, why we don't win wars, why we have troops in a 120 countries, why we have 55,000,000 people with visas in this country right now, and probably 55,000,000 illegal aliens. You know, that's just a few issues, folks, that are related to our corporate masters and their international schemes. And so a lot of conservatives were stopped in their progress, on this in their own thinking, and then in their activism by William F. Buckley. He was a gatekeeper. And so that's an example of a gatekeeper. But now I'm gonna return to the gatekeeper par excellence, a man by the name of Dwight David Eisenhower. So Eisenhower and, I I I've been debating how to attack this subject because I wanna get right into the politics here today. I think the next episode will get more in-depth in his history. But, anyhow, suffice it to say, Eisenhower had a meteoric rise, in the military after he had dinner with Anna Roosevelt, daughter of the president, and her husband, the editor of the or owner, excuse me, of the Seattle no. He was editor, I guess, of the Seattle Post Intelligencer, and and this meeting was in Seattle, Washington. They had dinner, and Anna phoned her father and said, we have found the man. We have found the man to lead your war effort. Of course, at this point, I'm pretty sure that this was still during the period where Roosevelt was saying he didn't wanna send your boys to war, but, of course, he was lying as Wilson lied with World War one, as Johnson lied about Vietnam. And, so, after this meeting, Eisenhower, who had been pretty much of a zero, he had been a major for years. He actually was in a scandal, early in his career and almost went to prison because he took a housing allowance. He took cash money for a housing allowance, when he was living with family and didn't have to pay for housing. And he got found out and, there was one general there wanted to court martial him and put him in prison. But he, he slithered out from under that, but, you know, he had a terrible, a very mediocre, career at best until this period of time where he catches the eye of the Franklin Roosevelt political operation. And then his rise was meteoric from lieutenant colonel to colonel, to general, and, then by 1943, the supreme commander of all allied forces in Europe, which is the role that most Americans knew him to be in. Eisenhower had never served in combat. Eisenhower was a terrible general. He had two big problems while he was the supreme commander of the allied forces. One, he dithered and could not make a decision, and there are just several examples of this, and I'll go into some of that when I talk about, his that whole era of his life. He dithered, but he also did whatever Franklin Roosevelt wanted, which meant he did basically whatever Joseph Stalin wanted. And the biggest thing Joseph Stalin wanted was, he wanted the allies to move as slowly as humanly possible across Western Europe so Stalin could gobble up as much territory as possible coming from the East. And so at one point, we find Eisenhower actually taking all gasoline away from George Patton, his general who could have been to Berlin months, months before he finally got to that vicinity because, you know, anyway, I I won't get in all of the detail about that now, but Eisenhower continually if he wasn't dithering on a decision, he was making a decision to stop or slow the progress of the allies, and it drove both Patton and Montgomery, the chief, commander chief general for the Brits absolutely out of their minds. But Eisenhower was able to administrate everything and do whatever Franklin Roosevelt wanted to his satisfaction. So Eisenhower was doing just fine career wise, and, of course, the media, which puffed out of all reasonableness, the whole situation in Europe to get us into the war, to get the American people off their almost 90% opposition to fighting another war after World War one. Overwhelming part of the media was pro war, and some of the media that was not pro war, like the Chicago Tribune, had the onus on them that they were in the America First Committee before World War two and weren't considered fully supportive of the effort against the Nazis. And so, anyway, so the the the media most established media, NBC, ABC, CBS, the Mutual Broadcasting Corporation, the Blue Network on radio, the New York Times, the Washington Post, the St. Louis Post dispatch, all these people were heavily invested in the war and puffing up general Eisenhower's exploits twenty four seven. So Ike was just getting one solid array from 90% of the media of fantastic publicity with no mention. Certainly no highlighting of the many, many aspects of his tenure as general that weren't very good. But anyway so I came out of World War two, an extremely popular person in America. My name is Lou Moore, and you are listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio. And we will be right back for more of Dwight David Eisenhower right after the news. Welcome to Hour of Decision. This is the second half of our show today, and we are talking about president Dwight David Eisenhower. And specifically, we are talking about his role as a gatekeeper, which I am just now about to begin that explanation. So Eisenhower came out of World War two smelling like a rose. Eisenhower was just great. He was so popular. He was such a leader of men, and he defeated the Nazis. He was just a great man all the way around. And, he was not a great man, and all kinds of horrid things happened at the end of the war. Millions of people slaughtered, and I am not talking about the Jewish individuals in concentration camps. I'm talking about a lot of other people, German prisoners of war, people who were forced to go back to Russia, people who were starved to death. At the end of the war and after, it was a hellscape. That's actually the name of a book. A a, book I can't remember the historian's name. It's called hellscape. It's about what Europe was like in 1945, 1946, 1947. And Dwight David Eisenhower had everything to do with that, folks. Everything. Anyway, terrible. But he came back very popular with American public, But the American public was not happy at the end of World War two. They were promised that if they fought this all out war, if they sacrificed, that they couldn't if they had rationing on tires and rationing on butter and rationing on other essentials, and if 16,000,000 men were drafted, and sent overseas either to Europe or to the Pacific, that at the end of this war, there would be no more tyranny. There we would defeat all tyranny because, National Socialist Germany and the Imperial Japan were supposed to be the epitome of tyranny, and we were fighting in all out war against them to defeat them and doing things like bombing civilians constantly and starving them to death and dropping atom bombs on them and everything else, but it was all worth it because we were gonna have this great wonderful order in the world at the end of World War two. And there was a lot of talk about forming a world government and the public at first thought, well, maybe that'd be a good idea so we don't have any more wars if we just have a world government. If there's just one government, then these governments won't be fighting each other. Of course, that's a terrible idea, and we know who was promoting that idea. But, by the end of the war, the public saw that the only real benefactor from what happened from the fifty five to eighty million people who died in this war, from the 16 to 17,000,000 Americans that, had to serve in this war, 1,000,000 women and the rest men, that the only, beneficiary of this war were the communists. The communists now control all of of Eastern Europe. All that delaying Eisenhower was doing allowed Stalin to gobble up a whole lot of territory. Half of Germany, Poland, Yugoslavia. Anyway, the whole Eastern Europe, the Baltic States, that whole region, all communist, and heading for communism at a rapid rate in China, in Asia, where very favorable treaties that, that, FDR signed with Stalin, like, like at the Yalta agreement, set the table for, the conquest, for Mao Zedong's conquest of China, which was finalized in 1949, which set, the table for the Korean War because we gave Stalin half of Korea in the Alta agreement. We we promised to repatriate. People of Russia didn't want to go there. To this communist hellhole of, the USSR. We did that. We gave millions of dollars in material to, Russia to use in Asia. We had already been giving them many, many, many millions of dollars and tons of material to fight the war. And on top of all of that, people were now finding out there was a whole lot of people in our government who were not working for us. They were working for the Soviets. People like Alger Hiss, people like Harry Dexter White. The list goes on and on, and do not believe the propaganda folks. There wasn't a red scare red scare at the end of World War two. There was a red awareness. An awareness, that had that finally surfaced at the end of the war of how penetrated Franklin Delano Roosevelt's government was and, and what these people were doing and how high of positions many of them had. Alger Hiss was the first secretary general of the UN. He was the central go to guy to staff the United Nations as far as Americans that were put on the staff of the United Nations. Harry Dexter White designed the monetary system we are still using today from the Bretton Woods agreement. These people were not inconsequential despise trying to steal some microfilm or something like that. These people were driving policy folks, and, of course, Roosevelt seemed to be all about it. But we talked about that at at some great length in our Roosevelt episodes. But, anyway, the public was seeing that that, we were possibly in more danger than we were, if not for sure, in more danger than we were in 1939 before World War two started. And then there were the unions that, Franklin Roosevelt greatly empowered during the depression, and, there were 4,000 strikes in 1944, the year before the war fully ended. 4,000 strikes in America. Highly disruptive. Disruptive of consumers, but also disruptive of union families. And a lot of them did not like the the fact that their unions were off the charts to the left, yet not run by communists, particularly those in the CIO, the Congress of Industrial Organizations. So there was a lot of discontent in the land, and the Democrats had been running the country since 1932, since, FDR won the election in 1932, two years after the depression began. And a lot of people were not forgetting that after years of the new deal and years of completely changing our form of government and centralizing power in Washington DC and spending a ton of money, that the depression was as bad or worse in 1937 as it was when Roosevelt took office in 1933. A lot of people remembered that. So there was a lot of, discontent. People were tired of the Democrats just in general, even your very low information voter. I I it seemed like a change was appropriate. And then there were all these great candidates coming home who were combat veterans. I mean, you know, you can imagine with the millions of people that served in World War two, there were a ton of combat veterans. And even if only a small fraction of them got into politics, you know, they made pretty good candidates. And so in 1946, you had a a populist rebellion of sorts. The, Democrats lost control of the house and the senate, and people got elected like Joe McCarthy, senator in Wisconsin, like Richard Nixon who became a congressman in California, and they both, upset, very ensconced, very left wing Democrats in those two races and even among the Democrats. Young man named John f Kennedy went to the congress in 1946 from Massachusetts, and he was talking about a lot of the things that Nixon was talking about and McCarthy was talking about as far as penetration of communist in our government. So there was a rebellion going on in the land and power changing hands and suddenly, and this is why we know so much about these things now, folks. One of the primary reasons, the FBI had been keeping very close tabs on the communist, but Roosevelt wouldn't let them do anything about it. But they had everything teed up for several congressional committees. It wasn't just the house committee on un American activities. And, of course, people get confused. Joe McCarthy actually didn't get active in this area until 1950 for four for four more years before he got active. But, there were many committees investigating communism in government, communism in Hollywood, communism in the foundations, in the tax free foundations, links to the Rockefellers. This kind of thing, very nervous for our masters. So there was ferment in the land, and there were there was a changeover in the congress, as I said, but there was not a concerted conservative movement that could come up with a presidential candidate in 1948, not a centralized enough movement, cohesive enough movement to come up with a presidential candidate, representing this populist rebellion. So the establishment Republicans, there's always establishment Republicans. And, of course, they go all the way back because the Republican party was the big government party, up into the nineteen twenties, and they still had a number of folks who were came out of the progressive movement. Even Calvin Coolidge, came out of the progressive movement. And, the center of gravity of the party was definitely the East and was definitely the big banks and was definitely, that element of the council on foreign relations who played ball, you know, with the more conservative types, the ones that were not, in Roosevelt's camp. There's always two parties that they're trying to, manipulate. And so control of the party was in the hands of the eastern establishment. And the other thing to remember is back in 1948, almost all the delegates for, the, national convention, the place where they nominate a candidate to go into the general election, almost all of those delegates come from caucuses. They don't come from primaries. They come from the proverbial backroom. They come from the powers that be and the the powers that be in the party. They don't they're not necessarily, when and particularly when it's almost every delegate of the in this category, they don't necessarily represent a movement of people. I mean, these guys are political operatives. They're sensitive to things they see, but the they're not automatically, going to go the direction of, the way the masses are moving. So the bottom line is here, there's all this ferment going on, but in 1948, the nominee of the Republican Party was Thomas e Dewey, the governor of New York, who was internationalist, big business to the core, to the absolute core. And, the Democrats, were in disarray because of the democrats having problems that there was fatigue with the democrats. But the democrats having problems that there was the anti communist issue that was just building and building and building. The Democrats also had the problem that their standard bearer was Harry s Truman, who despite what you may have heard more, you know, recently or, what you've heard on, historians say or whatever on a TV show, last reviews, He was a terrible candidate. He was absolutely awful, and he was not popular. I mean, his popularity got down to, like, 21% at one point. It's the lowest, I'm pretty sure it's the lowest reading ever from the, you know, the Gallup poll people or, you know, the pollsters of the day compared to the pollsters since then. He was not popular. And, there were defections on the right. I talk about this in my Truman episode. The South, who was already getting very nervous about FDR, the South was abandoning Truman because of the civil rights issue that was building, and the left was abandoning Truman because they wanted Henry Wallace, who was booted off Roosevelt's ticket in 1944 to put Truman on. Truman's supposed to be a safe pair of hands, a party man that would do whatever the Roosevelt people and the party told him to do. So he he bumped off the hero of the far left in the Democrat party, Henry or one of them, Henry Wallace. So Wallace is running on the progressive party in 1948, and a young senator by the name of Strom Thurmond from South Carolina, who would later be very prominent in Republican politics, was running on a state rights, state's rights party or Dixiecrat party program against integration. So Truman had defections from both directions, and Dewey thought he had it in the bag. That's my point. This establishment Republican, he didn't campaign vigorously. He wasn't vigorous in what he said. He wasn't vigorous in what he did. And Truman went to the Israel what then would, be called the Israel Lobby. It wasn't a formal lobby then, but he went to the Jewish community, recognized the state of Israel, and, rolled up his sleeves with the union movement that was still very strong at that time who was under major attack from the Republicans, and, it was able to win in 1948. So this populist movement that was building stalled out in 1948, and these, congressional committees I just referred to, all the chairs reverted to Democrats. And in only one case, a senate committee that Pat McCarron chaired. Pat McCarron, a Democrat from Nevada, a great man. He you know, he was great because they named the Las Vegas Airport after him. And then during the Black Lives Matter movement, they stripped his name off of the airport, so you know he was a good man. But, anyway, other than him, there weren't any other chairs of these committees that were really going after it on the anti communist issue, and so that stalled out. But it didn't stall out in what people were seeing on the news. The Russians announced they had the bomb in 1949, a result of a lot of atomic spies, including the Rosenbergs who did actually fry, who did actually get the electric chair for their role in stealing atomic, secrets under, you know, during the Robert Oppenheimer program there at Los Alamos. So all the the Rosenbergs were in the news. Russia getting the bomb was in the news. Mao Zedong announced that he had completely taken China. And, Chiang Kai shek, the nationalist Chinese leader, was relegated to the island of Formosa. We now know that as Taiwan. That happened in 1949. And there was just still revelations coming out about a lot of these hangers on from the, Roosevelt administration. Some had left, but some of them had not left. And Truman was fighting, the congress and keeping information from them, keeping their personnel files files locked up in the White House. And, and so the these were daily news stories. So this is still building in the country. And then in 1950, when when we get get to the next election, the first big volley of the election, it was in February 1950, and it was a speech that a young senator named Joe McCarthy gave at Wheeling, West Virginia, where he stated that 57, 57 individuals were members of the communist party that were in high positions in our government and several 100 more, were also fellow travelers are also in positions in the government. And, anyway, I won't get off into Joe McCarthy. We have a whole episode on that. If you wanna learn more about Joe McCarthy, just go look in the show archives for hour of decision. So the anti communist issue is just building. And then, later in 1950, North Korea attacked South Korea. There were one there's one more fruit of the Yalta agreement, where we gave North Korea to the communist. They attacked South Korea and almost push, the Americans off that entire peninsula and out of Korea until general MacArthur was sent in from Japan. He had been the governor of Japan, peacetime governor, the only successful nation builder in our nation's history. He did a very good job over there and turned them into an industrial powerhouse. But, anyway, I digress. But, MacArthur, then pushed the communist all the way up to the Yalu River all the way up to just about to China. Just practically drove the North Korean communist out of the country, and then he was fired by Harry s Truman. One more thing that the public was outraged about because MacArthur, in a different way than Eisenhower, he didn't get good press from the liberal press. They hated MacArthur, but he was revered, and most people understood him to be the very best general that we had in 1950. So all these things are happening. That issue set is not looking very good for the Democrats. So that sets the table for a senator from Ohio by the name of Robert Taft. Robert Taft was from a family who founded Skull and Bones. His grandfather, Alfonso Taft, founded Skull and Bones. His father, William Howard Taft, was president of The United States from nineteen o eight to 1912. I talk about him in my episode on the fateful election of nineteen twelve. But, but Taft, Robert Taft's father, the Taft that was president of The United States from nineteen o eight to 1912, he rebelled against the idea of a banker run central bank. He gave re despite the fact he was a total creature of the establishment and a member of Skull and Bones, he did not like what was happening with the Eastern Banks, and he was from Ohio, and his power base was in the Midwest. And he knew that New York was just going to get an immense amount of power as a region under the federal reserve proposals that, the first proposal, created there at after the Jekyll Island meeting by Paul Warburg. First bill put out by Nelson Aldridge. Anyway, he didn't like it. And so, he was dragging his feet on supporting it, so he had to go. Anyway, so the establishment screwed, Taft, and he lost the White House. So his son now is a senator from Ohio, and his son doesn't like the bipartisan consensus. He doesn't like the, NATO. He he voted against NATO. He opposed going into NATO. He wasn't a big fan of even going into World War two. He was opposed to endless wars. He was opposed to having our troops all over the world. At the same time, he was a very militant anti communist and supported a best investigating communism at home. Remember, once the, establishment saw how concerned the public was about communism, they turn things around to where, everything about communism that was bad was overseas. So we had to fight communism overseas, but not at home. And totally against investigating communist at home because that divides our country, and there I was a red scare, didn't really happen. Anyway, so, Taft was just a reverse. So he was a real danger to the establishment, and, oh, the party base loved him. They called him mister Republican. Taft, folks, there's five senators. Five senators since the senate began who have their pictures in a gallery in the senate, as the greatest senators ever. And one of them is Robert Taft. And so he was beloved. And I lived with a woman, my mother, my first political mentor, who was very active, very involved with politics, she loved Robert Taft. Robert Taft was mister Republican, but the establishment, seeing he was about ready to win the nomination for president in 1952 because he had those party regulars that's that are come out of the caucuses behind him in huge numbers. When they saw that, they had to do something about it, and what they did was bring in Dwight David Eisenhower. And we are gonna talk further now about the election of nineteen fifty two and the presidency of Dwight David Eisenhower next week. My name is Lou Moore, and you're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio. See you later.