[00:00:01] You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network and this is the Political Cesspool. The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program. And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host James Edwards.
[00:00:31] Welcome everybody to a very special broadcast, at least for me, of TPC this Saturday evening June 22nd. It is my 44th birthday. I turned 44 years old today and I think this is the first time I've ever actually been live on the air on a birthday.
[00:00:47] I either have, if ever June 22nd fell on my birthday and we were on the air, it would have been a guest host or maybe a best of, but you just can't take time off anymore. Things are happening too fast.
[00:01:01] If you miss a week, you miss too much. So I'm excited to spend my birthday with all of you fine folks in the listening audience at a trio of sensational guests. Coming up in the next hour, Jared Taylor of American Renaissance is going to be
[00:01:15] back to discuss the spirited debate that he ignited with his provocative video about the future of America. Closing out tonight's birthday bash in the third hour with a report on his organization's recent poll on immigration and repatriation will be David Zutty, the executive director of the Homeland Institute.
[00:01:32] We're going to provide the party favors tonight. We're kicking it off right now with my good friend and yours, the former member of European Parliament, Nick Griffin back with us once again this time to offer his insightful
[00:01:44] analysis of this month's EU election results and there's no shortage of things to talk about there. Nick, welcome back. It's great to have you back. I think you were muted just there, but we've got you loud and clear now.
[00:02:03] So yes, thank you for being on with me tonight. And I, well let me just first ask you this. You gave an incredible speech at TPC's 20th anniversary conference last month. We actually were able to play the audio from that on the May 25th broadcast last
[00:02:19] month which would have been of course the week after the event so the wider audience could hear it. I don't want to go into the in-depth details of that because folks can check
[00:02:26] it out in the broadcast archives if they missed it, but I think it will parlay into what we're going to be talking about tonight. So if you could, Nick, maybe just a 60-second recap of what your talk addressed. Oh, I wish you'd warn me about that.
[00:02:38] I still do a lot of talks and it's not easy to remember what I said. Hang on. Got a frog in my throat. So I was looking really at the question of is there a solution to the problem
[00:02:52] in which our people find ourselves and saying that just because there is no electoral solution doesn't mean that there is no solution. It means that if you spend your time chasing the electoral solution, you are wasting time, you're wasting resources, you're wasting energy, you're wasting love
[00:03:09] and hope when in fact there's so many more things we can do because what is now guaranteed is that the old system is going to collapse. They're effectively destroying it deliberately and this opens up at some point a window of opportunity for a properly organized nationalist movement.
[00:03:28] What our victory will be when it comes. See how fantastic he is, folks? But there's hope for the future. There it is. I think that was a wonderful recap of it. You also mentioned during the talk that you do believe as I do and I think
[00:03:43] the consensus is growing that there will be an end to this post-World War II order sooner rather than later. History suggests that that is just a fact of how these things cycle. But also while believing that your idea that, and you've mentioned this on
[00:03:59] this program for years now, that perhaps the current path through electoral politics is not going to be the way that that change is brought about. So that being said and having that been reestablished, how does your take
[00:04:12] on that play into the election results that we've all been reading about from what was taking place in Europe two weeks ago? Well, as long as you understand what's happened in Europe correctly, it absolutely backs up everything that I'm saying because people might say,
[00:04:27] oh, but look, Europe's voting nationalist. There's this huge surge according to the papers. You know, it's almost a fascist takeover. So, Nick, you're wrong. But no, because part of my analysis as to why there's no electoral road for
[00:04:42] genuine ethno-nationalism is that the elite have discovered that they can use very effectively safety valve parties, parties that promise the electorate what they want. They certainly in Britain and Europe, who went back 20 years, apart from the radical nationalists, no party which was accepted as a serious
[00:05:01] contender was even talking about the issues that the public were bothered about. And now you've got these populist parties talking about the issues. And that's particularly what shuts out a nationalist party because we can talk, but as the media pretend either we're not there or we're
[00:05:15] monsters, it's the populist version that the public like. So the good news is that the public have indeed voted in very significant numbers for people that they believe will sort out the immigration problem, for people that they believe will get us out of the
[00:05:33] elite push for World War Three. The people they believe will do something about the madness of LGBTQ plus. But the fact is that these people being elected now will not have complete power. We'll talk about the power structure actually within the European Union in
[00:05:51] perhaps in a minute, but they won't have complete power. And even if they did, they will not deliver. It's simply another way of keeping the masses quiet. You had I think over again just to give you the how wide of a scope what
[00:06:06] we're talking about here is ladies and gentlemen, you had nearly 200 million people voting in the EU member countries. So you've got a lot of nations that went to the polls, a lot of different parties. It's very much unlike what we have here in the United States
[00:06:19] with a duopoly. You got a lot of parties out there and we're going to cover as many of them as we can with the man who I mean, this is Nick Griffin. This is his bailiwick.
[00:06:27] If ever there were a man that we could bring on to give us this pressure analysis, it is it is Nick. So we're going to try to cover as quickly as we can at least a touch on
[00:06:39] some of the stuff that was going on throughout the length and width of Europe. But I think France is one, Nick, that a lot of people are focusing on. I have received so many emails from friends in the UK that I
[00:06:53] would give proper attribution to this gentleman's comment if I could remember who exactly it was who sent it. But this is what his take was. We'll see if you agree. Very positive news on the whole, at least in terms of the tide of opinion, especially among the young.
[00:07:06] We shouldn't overestimate the powers of the European Parliament, even over EU institutions. But it's clear that there was an anti-system revolt in most of Europe. He continues, I suspect that some observers in the US might underestimate the extent to which the Ukraine issue has divided European nationalists
[00:07:23] and also the extent to which a large section of the European right typified by Le Pen firmly rejects Anglo-American style market capitalism. And he says, in conclusion, it's quite difficult to group European nationalist parties in terms of agreeing on three major fault lines,
[00:07:40] pro-Ukraine versus Putinist, market capitalist slash libertarian versus status, racially focused versus multiracial but anti-Islamist. So that is something to remember, even if it's a party that we have some commonality with here as Americans, that not all the nationalist parties are marking in lockstep with this.
[00:08:01] But in France, 34 percent went to Le Pen and her rival, her niece, got just over five percent. So that was quite a night for the fractious Le Pen clan. But respond to any of that, Nick. I know I threw a lot at you just then.
[00:08:18] Right. Well, first of all, because the media have just looking at it, you know, they've only got two minutes on the the broadcast or they've got a thousand two hundred words, something like that. So in the best, best in the world, they've got to shorten things.
[00:08:34] So they said this is swept Europe and people have got the idea. It's all across the board. Really, it's not, you know, you know, radical nationalism was absolutely crushed in Greece when they banned Golden Dawn and it shows no sign of recovery.
[00:08:45] So although there were very significant shifts in public opinion, particularly in France and in Germany and especially in Austria towards these populist parties, the Sweden Democrats didn't do particularly well in Sweden. Vox didn't do particularly well in Spain. Different part, different countries were very, very different,
[00:09:09] partly because they're all at different stages of their local national electoral cycle. So basically half of them at present have got a socialist type in power. So their people are thinking about voting for a conservative type and the other half have got a conservative type.
[00:09:24] So they're thinking about voting for a socialist. So because Europe is so broad, there's almost no possibility of a movement which is in the same direction occurring in all the countries at the same time. And it didn't happen despite what the media has said.
[00:09:39] It didn't happen at the weekend. So some people benefited, others didn't. So Marine Le Pen is the best example. But again, the media want to present her as some fire breathing fascist monster. Here's the facts. She has vigorously attacked the concept of remigration.
[00:09:56] She's saying it's not going to happen. You know, we're happy with the multicultural, multiracial France. And she voted for it recently to enshrine abortion in the French constitution. This woman is a liberal. She's surrounded by Zionists. She's surrounded by homosexuals.
[00:10:12] She is not the only chink of light with Marine Le Pen is that she's a little bit pro-Russian, a little bit pro-peace. But on the other hand, the other great white hope of the female side of the soft civic nationalist movement in Europe, Maloney in Italy,
[00:10:29] did fairly well again. She not only betrayed all her promises on immigration the minute she got a sniff of power, she was also saying before she was in power because a lot of Italians were doing business in Russia.
[00:10:43] Italy was very hit very badly by the Biden imposed sanctions. And so standing up for peace and normal relations with Russia was an electoral good deal. So she did it last year till she was in power. And since then, she's now hysterically pro-Ukraine.
[00:11:00] So that's the way these people roll, I'm afraid, James. So no one should get too excited. Well, no one should get excited at all, actually, about the fact that sell out populist safety valve parties have done well.
[00:11:12] What on the other hand, it tells us is that the public really are beginning to shift uneasily. They're really beginning to wake up and they're looking for a solution. So that, at least, is a lot better than we were a few years ago. I agree 100 percent.
[00:11:25] And that is something you've been very consistent on. And that's, again, something that we have to remember, is that some of these parties and these politicians that are being presented as Hitler incarnate are very much not that at all.
[00:11:38] However, you do have sincere nationalist parties that to various degrees in Europe have some have done better than others. Our friends over in Blom's Philip De Winner and Anka Blom's block. They did very well again. They are legitimate nationalists, the Sessions Party.
[00:11:55] And there are others will talk about Austria. But before we move on. But the key is, I think that the people are voting for what they believe to be the genuine article to varying degrees. I would ask you this very quickly, though, before we move on from France,
[00:12:08] because there's so many other spots I want to touch on. What does this effectively do for us? Does it stymie Macron at all? I mean, I guess he will struggle on as president, but in tandem with the hostile legislature.
[00:12:20] You mentioned the things we don't like about Marine Le Pen. What is there that is good about her? Because, I mean, again, she is the one that is really pictured as the modern face of fascism, as you mentioned. And other than maybe being a little more pro peace,
[00:12:33] is there any saving grace there? Her dad, her old man was pretty good. I don't necessarily. The old man was great. Yeah, smashing chap. But on this shrink of light, as I said, on her pro peace position. But she's probably more pro Zionist, pro Israel
[00:12:49] than almost anyone else in Europe. So and you're not going to save our people, our race, our culture, our faith, unless you address the Zionist occupation and just deal with the Zionist occupation, not of Palestine, the Zionist occupation of the United States,
[00:13:06] Britain and the corridors of power in Brussels. That's where their power really lies. And Le Pen is not going to help out in with that in any way. All she's going to do is at the very most she's going to despite saying that she's a civic nationalist
[00:13:23] and if they want to be free, if they want to be in France, they can be as long as they behave, blah, blah, blah. She is undoubtedly as we saw from the riots that took place in the few days after the election results.
[00:13:34] She does unnerve the French ghettos. She does unnerve French Muslims. And so she heard her doing well does perhaps lead to the possibility of real instability in France. And that could well end up as being a good thing. What does it do to Macron?
[00:13:55] Well, as he called an election, it ends up with the possibility of very, very radical change in terms of who's officially at the top. But does it change things for France? Does it turn the clock back to a French France? No, it doesn't. And it will not.
[00:14:13] OK, now let's move. I want to just fly over about nearly a dozen countries here and we'll get Nick's take. Nick, I'm going to read from an article in the American Free Press, which is, of course, a paper that I write for,
[00:14:30] in addition to my duties here on the radio. And you can this was written by Michael Walsh, who's a contributor to AFP. You can feel free to agree, disagree or set the record straight. But just give me a moment here
[00:14:42] and we will the Netherlands will be the last one I report on. I got about a dozen dozen nations here I want to touch on. This is what he writes. Throughout the EU's 27 member states, 44 nations in Europe, the 185 million voters seem to prefer a shift to the right.
[00:15:03] This was revealed in a growing chasm between the pro and anti Washington sentiment. In Germany, the socialist or rather the Social Democratic Party, the SPD, a liberal green coalition placed third, receiving 14.1 percent of the vote. That was their party's worst election result in 100 years.
[00:15:21] Despite mainstream media vilification and political ostracization of the alternative for Deutschland Party, this is again one of these civic nationalist release valve parties that you mentioned, Nick. It took third position. This was their most successful performance ever. In Spain, the second largest country, Europe's second largest country.
[00:15:40] The electorate had good reason to yell, go Spain. The Francoist call to arms of the 61 seats allocated to Spain. The Popular Party came out on top, adding 22 seats, while the Vox Party that you just mentioned added two seats, bringing its total to six seats in the EU Parliament.
[00:15:57] In neighboring Portugal, the Chaga Party bagged its first two seats in the EU Parliament in adjacent Italy. Maloney's party harvested 28 percent of the votes. You just mentioned her. That's perhaps not as good as it would seem, but
[00:16:13] lest we continue, the Freedom for Austria Party was another to gain laurels in the storming of Brussels, garnering 25.4 percent of the vote in Hungary. Viktor Orbán, who is certainly to me the real deal. He took 11. His party took 11 of Hungary's a lot of 21 seats.
[00:16:32] Never before have so many people, two million, voted for Orbán's party. The message this is a spokesman Zoltán Kovács being quoted here. The message is clear. Hungarians say no to war, migration and gender ideology in Slovakia,
[00:16:48] where nearly assassinated Prime Minister Robert Fico is still in recovery. His anti-Kiev party took 24.6 percent of the vote in Netherlands. Garrett Wilders did well. And this is all good news for Vladimir Putin as Europe's conservatives want to negotiate a peace settlement. Nick, that was a lot again.
[00:17:07] But we're trying to paint the full picture in the time allotted by Commercial Talk Radio. What do you make of all of those results? First of all, the two to take out, as it were, Orbán and Slovakia's Slovakia's Fico,
[00:17:20] because although they're mainstream politicians, they are genuine nationalists. They're not absolutely on our wavelength. Orbán in particular has a very close relationship with the historically important Jewish population of Hungary and with Israel. The Mossad train their police and security people, all the rest of it.
[00:17:41] But Orbán stands for Hungary and Fico is probably, I think, the best of a lot. So they're different as the others. Yeah, in Germany, they have to do well. They heavily demonized, but they came third. You know, it's much better than where the nationalists used to be.
[00:17:58] But when the NPD used to take five, six percent of the vote, they were genuine nationalists and the AFD includes some genuine nationalists. So that's as good as it is. Spain, six seats to box. It's OK, but it's 10 percent. You know, it's a very, very slow moving change.
[00:18:17] This in some countries, the 24 percent in Austria. Yes, it's good. But here's the thing with all those people going to parliament, you end up with really this different sort of factional blocks within the European Parliament and the two right wings,
[00:18:34] ring ones are identity in democracy and the European conservatives. And between them, they're going to have in the region of 130 seats. That's it. Those are the people who are nationalists, who think of themselves as nationalists or are described as nationalists, even though they're not.
[00:18:56] Out of seven hundred seats, one hundred and thirty seats out of how many? Out of 720. All right. This was. Yeah, go ahead. There's still really quite a swapping majority for the left. It's something like something like 400 for the left, the various leftist parties.
[00:19:14] And then I would imagine even after out of these 185 seats that you just mentioned that you're going to have fault lines, even amongst the nationalist or nationalist adjacent folks that we just mentioned earlier. They're not in lockstep agreements on every issue. Simply won't talk to each other.
[00:19:30] It's hundred and thirty. Basically it's 130. And that's split into two factions who don't get on. And then there's different groups within it. So one of the AFD people made some some of those noises which perhaps Germans sometimes can't help making.
[00:19:49] So Le Pen said, well, nothing more to do with them. So this is not a unified potentially revolutionary block. They're people who are basically they're a best because they have a hope and belief that they can save their country. And now they found themselves plunged into Europe
[00:20:05] because the elections are more winnable there. But worse, they're there because it's a huge gravy train. And even if you had a majority of MPs, MEPs within the European Parliament, the fact is this, James, that MEPs do not create a line of legislation.
[00:20:21] There are millions of pages of legislation comes out of Europe, but they come from the unelected European Commission firmly in the hands of the liberal left elite. And the MEPs can do nothing, which they can't even change legislate proposed legislation significantly.
[00:20:40] It really is a fig leaf rubber stamp. The European Parliament, the only road to revolution through Europe would be a majority of MEPs. So say 400 who were committed to sending the gendarmes or their own militia into the European Commission and say, you people, you've had your time.
[00:21:01] We've got the popular vote. Get out or we're going to shoot you. Basically a Cromwellian type approach. Then you might have a revolution. You'd say if they were to say the people have elected us, the people want A, B, C and D, and we're going to deliver it.
[00:21:15] And the commission must move aside because they're not elected. But they're not going to do that because none of them is a revolutionary and there certainly aren't enough of them to do it. So it gives me huge hope because it shows the way the people of Europe
[00:21:28] are moving, but don't for one minute think that this shows that there's an electoral way forward, either for hardcore nationalists or for nationalism through these soft people, because there is not. Yeah, you would think or I would think as an observer
[00:21:44] from the other side of the Atlantic that at this late stage in the Great Replacement and places like France and the UK, London and Paris, namely, or especially, that it would be a little bit further along, if not in the rest of Europe as well.
[00:21:59] And I guess, you know, the Le Pen, who's been painted as as as this to an extent, getting 34, 35 percent of the vote. I mean, that is that is something. But as you said, I don't because she certainly intends to repatriate these people.
[00:22:14] But yeah, you would think that at this point and in those cities that there would be even though this, I think overall we would say is good, good news from or at least good trends, good trends from the EU elections,
[00:22:27] that it should be a little more further advanced than it is right now. But as as you say, Nick, the people are voting for at least we got to understand, and I'm sure our listeners understand,
[00:22:37] not everybody is as politically in tune as the kind of folks who tune into this program or our guests. People think they're voting for the right thing. And of course, that energy is dissipated. But is the left is the left?
[00:22:55] I've never been a part of a leftist movement, so I couldn't tell you. I know how nationalists behave for better or for worse is the left. Do the left also have their factions in their fault lines
[00:23:04] or are they more of sort of like one body in Europe when compared to our folks? Yeah, they have their factions and their fault lines and their ideological differences. Some of the left within the whole of Europe and Britain is now actually heavily suborned to China.
[00:23:19] Chinese have bought a huge round of influence. Others of them are the the new ultra cultural Marxist left. Some of them are now just fixated on LGBTQ. So they are divided in that way. But when it comes down to politics,
[00:23:39] and especially if it comes down to politics against an enemy, they all unite very, very effectively indeed. And if you were going to have your putative possible revolution in the European Parliament, well, you can guarantee that every single leftist
[00:23:55] would be there singing from the same hymn sheet trying to stop it. So you think they they behave better in those situations than our folks do in terms of closing ranks and taking out the the opposition. They do. And it's not necessarily some of this isn't
[00:24:12] a bad reflection on our people. Our people are nationalist, even if they're soft, civic nationalists. They're still nationalist. So they've got the the history of their own their own country to consider. The left don't bother with that. It gives the left the advantage.
[00:24:29] That is a very, very interesting and important point. We'll continue there when we come back as we continue to hear from Nick Griffin, former member of European Parliament, about the recent EU elections. They were taking place across the vast expanse of Europe.
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[00:26:01] Drivers are getting some relief at the gas pump these days. The price of gas has dropped about 14 cents in a month. The national average for a gallon of gas today is about 345 a gallon. A month ago it was 359, says the AAA. Of course that's an average.
[00:26:18] The highest prices tend to be in the West. It's 482 a gallon on average in California. The lowest prices are in the Midwest and the South. It's 294 in Arkansas. I'm Rita Foley. Canadian airline WestJet is starting to cancel some flights as it braces for a possible
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[00:26:55] News and analysis at townhall.com. Major League Baseball is paying tribute to the Negro Leagues and the late Willie Mays with a game at Birmingham's Rick Woodfield. Correspondent Mike Hempin on tonight's game at the historic park. Rickwood field is a time capsule of opportunity and oppression.
[00:27:17] It has been a site for social gatherings like women's suffrage rallies and other political events and host to the best baseball talents of the 20th century. And on Thursday, we'll host a game between the Cardinals and Giants.
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[00:27:48] Leagues were an introduction to black athletic talent. I'm Mike Hempin. And more on these stories at townhall.com. Find your inner rebel at Dixie Republic, the world's largest Confederate store located in Travelers Rest, South Carolina. The anti-white, anti-Christ, anti-southern world ends at the asphalt. Welcome to God's country.
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[00:30:13] And welcome back everybody this Saturday, June 22nd celebrating my birthday with Nick Griffin. You can't get much better than that. And thank you, Nick again for being on with us, especially tonight as we bounce around Europe, as we look as quickly as we can, a little
[00:30:28] snapshot and not much more than that. And all of these different countries and some of the political parties that were in play there. And you mentioned Nick right before the break, that it is important to remember that when it comes to nationalist and cooperative nationalist
[00:30:45] collaborations that they have their own national interests to look at. Whereas the left certainly does not. And, but as my friend, my late friend, Bill Roland told me, and it was a lesson that I never forgot. People can always find a reason not to support someone.
[00:31:02] And I think our people do that too often. Sometimes they allow the perfect to be the enemy of the good of what I look for, is there any reason that I could support this person if there is, we'll, we'll work on what we can work on together.
[00:31:14] So again, our friend, Sasha Ross Mueller, who is a political activist in Germany and he is a journalist writes for a very fine print magazine there in Germany that we've done some work with. He asked these questions. What conclusions should be drawn from the recent European elections?
[00:31:32] The establishment is howling about a shift to the right. However, is it true? Does that in fact hint at a political change of course, towards the direction of national self-determination value, conservative societal manifestation and re-immigration policy. Indeed, the European election did bring about certain changes, but
[00:31:49] before jumping to conclusions that could easily lead us astray, it is advisable to take a closer look. That is why Nick Griffin is back with us right now. Nick, back to you. Well, Sasha has made the point very effectively there. I think that's really just to simplify it.
[00:32:07] Don't be taken in by the hysterical journalism of silly left-wing liberals who've got their corn to earn because just cause they say this is something really radical and so on, it isn't. So don't be fooled. This is not the solution.
[00:32:24] It's a sign that perhaps there will be the will for a solution to be found. Exactly. And that is what we're settling on with this. I sort of have a discontent for people who try to blackpill everything. You know, there is never any good news.
[00:32:45] Everything is always bad news in gloom and doom. And if there ever is good news, well, it's obviously a Psi-op is obviously not real. I mean, sometimes there is good news and sometimes there's bad news. We try to look at everything very objectively and soberly here on TPC
[00:33:01] and have guests who can have that discerning eye as well as Nick Griffin does. Now, Sasha writing about the election results in Germany, that his party, the former NPD, I believe it's now called the Homeland, they did not
[00:33:16] have the results they wanted to see, which is why there is a lack of competitive pressure from civic right parties such as the AFD, the Alternative for Deutschland to strive for the oppositional optimum to represent what is worth being called an alternative. That is Sasha writing there.
[00:33:31] And he also mentions what you touched on earlier, the case of Maximilian Kroll, who as we learned will not be a member of the AFD group in the EU parliament, even though he was their lead candidate because he said
[00:33:45] something sensible about World War II era Germany that got him in hot water with the supposed fascist Marine Le Pen and Georgia Maloney. Nick, make sense of it? Yes, absolutely. So it's a case in point and the position of Highland, I think it's
[00:34:02] really shows again, I'm afraid that what I've been saying was correct because I was since 2014, if I even a little bit before then, I've been telling nationalists across Europe, look, there is no electoral road. And if you seek to still tread the electoral road, basically go up against
[00:34:22] these nationalists, safety vows, pro-Zionist parties, hugely funded, hated by the left, but actively aided by very powerful forces within the existing political and media, cultural elites and so on. If you go up against them, all you have is defeat after defeat
[00:34:40] after defeat, you cannot win and it will demoralise people. You have to move away and set about doing things which give your members and your supporters a different set of ways by which to to judge progress, a set of achievable aims because self evidently if there's no point
[00:35:03] being in election to lose it and winning it is not achievable. So stop doing it. The question is very clearly at the very least, you can say that where this is going with the soft civic nationalist parties, we'll end up
[00:35:18] with them with so much support that when they fail to deliver the people as a whole were willing to basically march down the streets and just do it themselves. In other words, a revolutionary situation, the sort of revolution
[00:35:32] when the liberal elite of the West, the Soros is the CIA, etc. When they wanted to change politics in Ukraine, they didn't bother messing around with elections. They had the Maidan. You know, that's the way they do things.
[00:35:45] So if you think, well, one day there'll be the potential for a revolutionary for a revolution to have a revolution, you must have a revolutionary instrument. You have to have a revolutionary vanguard. So everything that we do now has to be based determined should we do it
[00:36:01] or should we not by this question? Apart from the fact, is it right? Apart from that, it's the question is does this help to build the revolutionary vanguard? If it does do it, if it doesn't don't do it.
[00:36:11] And fighting and losing elections against people like Le Pen, against people like the AfD in Germany is not going to help anyone to build anything. So people need to stop doing it and do more sensible things because there
[00:36:26] are so many sensible things that can be done, are being done, but must be done more effectively. I really would have liked to have paired you with Sasha tonight, but there's only so many minutes of talk radio and we did post his
[00:36:43] excellent piece at thepoliticalsensable.org earlier this week. Please check it out if you want a quick understanding of what happened in Europe earlier this month. I do want to circle back to one more thing, Nick. Obviously, Sasha has got a great head on his shoulders, great mind,
[00:36:59] and he's got his finger to the pulse quite effectively. In Germany, you're obviously up in the UK, so two different ports of call there in Europe, but a lot of agreement here. But he mentions the Freedom Party of Austria as being something,
[00:37:14] as being a strong political force, but without submissive distancing rituals. And they are now the largest party, I believe, in Austria. How good of a thing is that on the scale of bad to good? It's better than the AfD. I'm not sure.
[00:37:32] I looked at that word in his and I wasn't absolutely sure. Was that they did well without the submissive? That's what I read. That's what I read. Without submissive rituals, albeit with submissive rituals. Without. Without. Well, if that's the case, then that's clearly a good thing.
[00:37:51] Apart from the fact what it really shows is how unnecessary it is nowadays for people, say the AfD, to go in for these submissive rituals. Or you know, we're in the pen. Likewise, you don't have to do it. You don't have to hound out everyone who's remotely
[00:38:10] outspoken or right wing and inverted commas because the Austrians didn't do it and they still did really quite well. So you don't have to do these things. But one reason the Austrians don't have to make particularly submissive rituals in their politics
[00:38:25] is that it's well understood that basically they're pretty house trained already. So, again, that's what I can say. When I say these people, you know, they're they're not genuine and so on. Don't get me wrong. If there was someone waved a magic wand
[00:38:41] and the majority of European parties suddenly became hardcore nationalists, except for France, Marine Le Pen would wake up the next day having had an epiphany and she'd be dusting off her father's earliest jackboots. If it was doable, if it was effective,
[00:39:02] if it would advance the cause of Marine Le Pen, the Marine Le Pen would do it. And if that's too cynical, then he could say, if it would not would advance the cause of French nationalism, then she would do it.
[00:39:13] But at present, let's face it, it doesn't help you get elected if your heart on your sleeve extremist. So you have to be careful. I don't condemn people for being careful. I was very careful with the BNP. I was offered the opportunity to be even more careful
[00:39:28] and become pro-Israel and so on. Le Pen was offered Marine Le Pen was offered the same thing. She took the shackle. I didn't. But it's her decision. And if at the end of the day, there was a Europe wide revolution,
[00:39:40] partly because of France and Marine Le Pen then changes her coat back again. Then you have to say, well, actually, Marine was right. Nick Griffin was wrong. But I don't think that she will because they're so bought and paid for.
[00:39:54] But this shift does raise the possibility, like I say, somewhere down the line, this has broken the duopoly. The duopoly was the real problem, the flip flopping between left, right, red, blue in our terms, different for you time and for an infinite item
[00:40:09] endlessly. And while the public was satisfied doing that, there was no prospect of change in a Western so-called democracy. But with the duopoly broken, it does then raise the possibility of something further down the line happening. And the duopoly certainly is being broken big time by these parties.
[00:40:28] Absolutely. And that is where you invest your hope, ladies and gentlemen. That is where I mean, of course, we want revolutionary change to occur with every election cycle. But are you moving in the right direction? Are you better off today than you were yesterday or five years ago
[00:40:41] or 10 years ago? If the answer is yes, then keep we're going to keep working no matter what. But have some hope that things are moving in the right direction. We are going to continue after this break. One more segment with Nick Griffin live.
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[00:42:50] high desert delight, happy valley and blackberry, just to name a few. So purchase your delicious raw honey today at local honey man dot com. Nick, I've given some speeches in. Recent months as well, in fact, a fairly aggressive tour last year.
[00:43:19] And one of the things that I mentioned was. Yeah, I mean, you mentioned the pen and the fact of the matter is this is just human nature. And you could take some hopes with with this folks that I mean, maybe it sounds a little cynical, cynical.
[00:43:34] I don't know. Maybe it's pragmatic. But the fact of the matter is most people you have very few people who are true believers like yours truly and Nick and so many of you listening. There are there are a few believers on both sides of the ideological spectrum.
[00:43:48] But most of the people are just going to fall in line with the prevailing tides. And the day that politicians begin to sound a lot more like us is the day than when we can put more leverage on them than our opposition can. And it's just that simple.
[00:44:02] So in that regard, change doesn't necessarily have to be as far away as it as it may appear. I think change can come rather quickly. And we've seen it throughout history. But anyway, Sasha Ross Mueller again in his piece,
[00:44:14] which you can read at the political cesspool dot org, he lays out a litany of parties that I couldn't even begin to pronounce their names. But it looks like they're all, you know, around 10 percent. These are what he describes as parties on the right,
[00:44:29] but not necessarily ethno nationalist parties all throughout Europe. They've certainly got a seat at the table. OK, they're being heard from some places more than others. Like, again, our friends, Philip DeWinner and Anka Vandermers had a very good night in Belgium. The lead party there.
[00:44:44] But to varying degrees, you've had some successes. So in conclusion, this is what Sasha writes. And then I want to ask Nick about some locations a little closer to home and the UK and in Ireland. I believe you would agree with this.
[00:44:57] Sasha writes, in any case, networking, local community building, alternative media work and cultural activities in the extended political environment remain key pillars of the future strategy of nationalist activity, which in the best case scenario will resonate with parliamentary initiatives.
[00:45:11] It should be clear that the political right in Europe must not lean back just because of the whining of the mainstream media. That provides them with a supposedly cozy feeling of victory at the EU level. The results of the EU election are by no means sufficient.
[00:45:24] At the very least, a few more shifts of relevant weight within the European Council are needed, for which, despite all the reasons to criticize Le Pen, the next snap elections in France could well provide a little more instability in Brussels. Nonetheless, politics preserving European ethnic well-being
[00:45:39] remains a generational task. Nick, you have said that many times yourself, which means that political work should not be seen as a sprint, but a marathon. My friend? Yeah, absolutely so. So it's given it to back up what Sasha is saying there.
[00:45:57] Let's have a little look at Ireland, where Ireland is in turmoil. I mean, there's been dozens, I think, of migrant hotels and hostels burnt out by local people. They've been repeated, brutal attacks by police, a paramilitary police force against ordinary people protesting against immigration.
[00:46:19] Sinn Fein, the ultra-left IRA political mouthpiece, has been forced to move its position from saying, open borders for Ireland is absolutely what we want. In effect, the Irish are horrible people who need to be wiped out and replaced,
[00:46:34] to saying, oh no, no, really, we think that immigration has gone too far and it's got to be controlled. So there's big changes in Ireland and a really febrile sentiment there. But in the elections just gone, basically, the independents who tend to be...
[00:46:52] So again, it's good, it's breaking the duopoly. There's a tradition of independence anyway in Ireland, but the independents did particularly well, most of the independents being against immigration. And they got, I think about 20% of the vote across the board.
[00:47:07] Some wins in seats, but the actual nationalists, the serious nationalists, the votes as far as I know go from between 1%, 2%, 3%. The highest I've seen really of a genuine nationalist was my and Jim's friend, Niall McConnell, who did very well. He got 8%, but he ran a really good campaign.
[00:47:25] And over there they got a fiendishly complex electoral system. 8% is your first preference votes, but then they count or they start counting the second preference votes, then third preference votes as well. And Niall stayed in, he had a round of these things,
[00:47:41] and each time someone gets knocked out, their preference votes get redistributed to other people. I don't understand how it works. Please don't ask me on behalf of your listeners. That's what happens, but Niall made it to, I think,
[00:47:53] the sixth or the eighth division of votes, as it were. And one more, if he got through one more, if he'd had probably 50, 60 more votes, he would have been elected. And that would have been an earthquake in Ireland,
[00:48:05] even though it was only in effect a county council seat. So the long and the short of it is Ireland is more likely to have a summer of bloodshed, because if one Irish person is killed by a migrant
[00:48:18] or by a cop defending a migrant hostel or something similar, it could all go up in flames. You know, Ireland is a very militant place with a long tradition of physical force nationalism. I'm not saying that should happen. I'm saying it could happen.
[00:48:31] It's far more likely to happen than any electoral change in Ireland, because with everything going on, the nationalists between them were still on less than 10% of the vote in local elections, where it's easier. Can we come on to England or the United Kingdom?
[00:48:46] Because the election that's coming here is really, really interesting and your people need to know about it. We've been all across Europe. Let's finish with what's going on in your backyard. This is still coming up. Let's finish here. We got the elections coming up on July the 4th.
[00:49:00] It's Independence Day for you. It's Election Day for us. And already we're seeing the duopoly broken. Back in elections, when I were a lad, elections, the conservatists and the Labour Party between them took something like 90, well over 90% of the vote,
[00:49:17] 95% of the vote in England in election after election. This election coming, they're going to take less than 50%. So that's a good thing. And just as it's, we talk about the United Kingdom, it's really about England, just as in the referendum for membership of the European Union,
[00:49:35] the Scots, the Irish and the Welsh all voted to stay in. It was the English who voted to leave. The English is the big partner in this really. And similarly, this time around, England is going to deliver an electoral shock of enormous proportions because it's now looking
[00:49:50] fairly likely that reform, which is Nigel Farage's insurgent anti-Brexit and now also theoretically anti-immigration party, they are likely to get more votes than the conservative party. Doesn't mean they'll get more seats. It means they'll cost the conservatives a lot of seats.
[00:50:09] But because we have a first pass to the post system, they Farage it now looks pretty sure he will win his own seat. They may not win any others at all. They may win three or four at most. They're not going to win many.
[00:50:20] A huge number of people are going to end up after the election thinking, well, yet again, I voted and yet again, they ignore me. But the fact that a huge number of people are about to vote to kill the conservative party
[00:50:32] because they're so fed up with his portrayals that they're voting for something else. That really is significant. And the slightly longer term after the election, we're going to end up with a Labour Party that's like your Democrats on acid basically
[00:50:46] with a Labour Party government with a huge majority. And normally the beaten party of government, which is now the opposition party. So the conservatives, they would normally start to recover because within a year, they'd be winning every single by election. This time around, it's going to come out
[00:51:03] according to the way the polls are shaping up that reform Farage's party are going to be second in at least a third of all Labour seats, which means that as soon as one of those comes up for a by-election in a few months time,
[00:51:18] it's going to be reform will be winning the by-elections. So instead of the conservatives having a way back from an electoral defeat, they have no way out of electoral disaster. Again, Farage and reform are not going to be the British Revolution,
[00:51:33] but they might just open the door to it. That was a wonderful, wonderful way to sort of put a capstone on the end of this conversation about what's going on in Europe. We spent, I guess the first 55 minutes talking about the EU elections,
[00:51:52] but to close with this forthcoming election, but I think especially interesting what's going on in Ireland, because yes, we have seen, to the extent that we see anything over here, the tremors of some real radicalism. And I don't use that as a derogatory term.
[00:52:07] I use it in the best sense of the word from the people who are getting fed up with the way things are in Ireland. And even that didn't necessarily play into a sweeping electoral success, but you think there's a pulse and a heartbeat of that European, Western spirit
[00:52:26] that's still alive in Ireland. There certainly is in Ireland. Ireland is a different place. Oh yes, better believe it. Very good, very good my friend. Well thanks again for coming on tonight and offering us that wonderful report and analysis. We have about a minute or a little bit
[00:52:43] less than that remaining. I would just tease a little sneak peek at something that's gonna be coming up. We're gonna be partnering with our friend Jim Dowson in the UK as well. And Nick, can you give us a quick preview
[00:52:58] of what folks can look forward to with regard to that? Yes indeed, some of your listeners may have come across the fact that Jim, who I know he's very popular on your show, but he's an ordained minister in his own right. And for a couple of years now,
[00:53:11] having renovated a wonderful, beautiful ancient chapel, he's been doing a regular Sunday service and it's become clear that there's more and more people out there who are committed Christians, but who cannot find a decent church to attend on a Sunday. And so they've simply been not doing anything
[00:53:27] or coming and watching Jim or something similar. And so what I know Jim and co there decided to do is to turn this into a real online congregational church on the basis that going to church or not isn't an option. Taking communion or not isn't an option.
[00:53:44] They're both ordained things. They're ordained by Christ. And so we have to do them. And so what they're doing there is to launch an online church which gives hardline, traditionalist, fundamentalist, proper genuine Christians a decent church to go to and joining in online every Sunday.
[00:54:01] And Jim has made several appearances on this program over the years to know him is to love and respect him. And I get emails like this all the time when we talk about matters of faith that, hey, I'm a Christian, but I can't find a good church.
[00:54:14] There's nothing in my area. Well, we're gonna make something available to you. I say we, Pastor Dawson is, but we're happy to partner with him in that. And Nick brought it to my attention. We're gonna have an ad that we're gonna unroll
[00:54:26] for this endeavor maybe as soon as next week. So stay tuned for that and more from Jim himself. But we wanted to give Nick an opportunity since he was on tonight since he's familiar with this endeavor to give you a little heads up. Nick, thank you again.
[00:54:40] God bless you, my friend, for all you do. And we will talk to you again very soon. Thank you, James. God bless you and all you listeners.