Episode 87 Hour of Decision: I’m Still With Trump, But……………………………….

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the destiny to bring the new Jerusalem of endless possibilities. But first, this fight for freedom. Be a part of it. But don't delay because this is the hour of decision. Speaker 1: Hour of decision with Lou Moore starts now. Welcome to the eighty seventh episode of hour of decision. My name is Lou Moore. And then this afternoon, we're gonna talk about some of the confusion out there, some of the confusion in social media, some of the disparate voices that are all over the place, specifically in terms of whether our president can be trusted, whether he's on the right track, and, a number of other issues, related to those basic questions. So, let me just begin by saying that, basically, I trust Donald Trump, and I'll tell you why. You probably heard me talk about the Goldwater treatment on this show. We did a whole episode. I think it's episode 17. It's way back there. It's over a year ago. One of the first episodes I did was a complete the complete story of the nineteen sixty four Goldwater campaign and, how he was treated fairly decently by the media in the nineteen fifties, early nineteen sixties, senator Barry Goldwater was. He was a senator from Arizona. Interesting guy, pilot, air force, general in the air force reserves. You know, he loved the Indians. He was, you know, he was an interesting guy, ham radio operator, my uncle. I say this in that episode as well. My uncle, my uncle Neil, he served in three, in three clubs in Phoenix, Arizona with Barry Goldwater in the nineteen fifties and early sixties, a ham radio club, a, gun club, and a club of pilots where everybody in the club had a airplane, including my uncle and certainly including Barry Goldwater. So he was an interesting guy that had a lot of interesting hobbies. And, he was also an arch conservative that did not believe in the foreign policy consensus or in the domestic policy consensus for that matter, as he made clear in two books. One, the conscience of a conservative, which he did not write, but politicians rarely do write their books. But, the conscience of a conservative that sold millions and millions and millions of copies and launched, the nineteen sixty four Goldwater campaign. And another book he wrote called Why Not Victory, which was exactly, the same type of book only in the foreign policy arena. Why do we have this foreign policy consensus that we must have only containment of communism, that we should have peaceful coexistence with communism when they're out to destroy us, and we should have victory over communism. So Goldwater was unique in the early sixties because the foreign policy consensus, as I've said many times, during that time and before and after to a great degree, was big government at home, more and more big government, some new programs maybe if we have some new ideas, and acceptance of all the previous programs like Social Security, you know, like the Federal Reserve. I mean, yeah, name them. The, you know, all the growth of government in Wilson's time and Franklin Roosevelt's time, that that was all good, maybe add a few. This is both parties had this view, folks. But go water, anyway, he did not have that view, on in domestic policy nor did he have the view, of that we should just have peaceful coexistence with a mortal enemy, that met, with an international delegation from around the world on, I think, a monthly basis plotting the destruction of the capitalist system of Western civilization and plotting the overthrow of every government that was not already communist and already in the thrall of the Soviet Union. But, anyway, we know about that. We know about that stuff. So Goldwater was different, and that was all fine. He made a great tie he made a great, guest on the, late night talk shows that they had back in the day that they were now finally getting rid of. Yes. Think about Stephen Colbert. Good riddance. But anyhow, then he decided to run for president, and there was an unbelievable groundswell of particularly youth joining his campaign, but people of all ages. And, they overcame the big money, the big Nelson Rockefeller money, specifically in 1964 to nominate Goldwater, to be the president from the Republican Party. And that's when all hell broke loose. They it was getting more and more that way, but in the media, suddenly, he was crazy. Suddenly, he was so extreme. He was probably a Nazi. Even though the man, I believe, was half Jewish, either fourth or half Jewish, Barry Goldwater. So he was a Nazi. He was crazy. He was gonna use the bomb. Just as soon as he could get his hands on the nuclear code, he was gonna launch bombers all over the place because he wanted to defeat communism. So which was not true about the about the bombers. It was true about the communism anyway. So that was the Goldwater treatment. And, of course, coupling that with the martyrdom of JFK, who was sinking in popularity until he was killed, kinda like Martin Luther King, but that's another story. Anyway, sinking in popularity, JFK was, but then he was assassinated, and then he was unbelievably popular, and the wrapped their entire enterprise around the mantle of JFK who was a relatively failed president. Certainly a failure in getting his domestic agenda across, but they did that. And, between that martyrdom, between the CIA, monitoring of every bit of the activities of the Go Water campaign and the bugging of all their phones and everything, and this media assault, You know, he was wiped out. Barry Goldwater lost big. I mean, he he was in the thirties, in percentile in the popular vote. I can't remember now even how high. 37 or something like that. 37% in 1964. Anyway, he was gold watered. That became a term. And I said, and not too many weeks back, that Ronald Reagan was threatened. I was told this by a man who worked for him in the White House for three years who reported directly to him, and he told me that Goldwater or that Ronald Reagan said he was threatened that he would be Goldwater if he did not take George Bush as his running mate, which he did. And he was not gold watered, and he won. But I won't get into all that right now. But, anyway, so that was a threat that was out there that the media, which had a complete monopoly, the corporate media, NBC, ABC, and CBS, TV and radio, and then we had the mutual broadcasting corporation on radio, and then the codeier of the large newspapers, Atlanta Journal Constitution, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Saint Louis Post Dispatch, The Chicago Tribune, once they pulled that out of the hands of an America First ownership, all of these papers, were also pretty much in lockstep for the Fabian socialist project and the bipartisan consensus. So you couldn't be violating that or you were in big trouble as Goldwater was, as Reagan dodged by taking George Bush. And the other example I use in past history of the same treatment, it was a little different because he wasn't a president president or presidential candidate, but Joe McCarthy. Joe McCarthy had pretty decent press when he became a US senator. He was very young. He had been, I believe, the youngest, judge in America. I might have that wrong right now. I don't have my notes in front of me, but he was very young when he became a judge before he became a combat veteran in World War two. And then as a very young politician, he took out one of the most famous politicians that ever came from Wisconsin, Robert LaFollette, who was, anyway, I won't get into his story, tempted to do that too. I won't do it. But, he beat Robert LaFollette, big deal, in 1946. And, McCarthy, he was kinda down the middle in a lot of his voting initially. But once in, at Wesley Invest in West Virginia in 1950, when he declared complete war upon communists in our government, in our society. Once he did that, it was Katie bar the door, and they unloaded on him. Unbelievable. In the media, in the newsreels that people used to see in the movie theaters, you know, on the radio, in the TV, which is just really coming into its own, right, during that time. And in the major newspapers, there were still a few newspapers back then. This is a few years earlier that were, not against McCarthy, but the overwhelming majority, certainly, the Washington Post, the New York Times, etcetera, Time Magazine, Newsweek, the Saturday Evening Post, all of the magazines, which were also very big at that time, news magazines, they're all totally against Joe McCarthy. And then as we, once Eisenhower got in, a so called Republican, it actually got worse for McCarthy. And Eisenhower is pressuring, his friends in the media not to be supportive of him, the Republican administration. And, and then people like Edward r Murrow, a complete bastard, folks, and a former member of communist front organizations before he became a big deal at CBS News, before Edward r Murrow smeared McCarthy with one of the first examples of a documentary with very selective evidence and very selective use of footage and misleading footage. You know, he did a big documentary, which was new at that fairly new at that time for TV on McCarthy, and that was just before the army McCarthy hearings, and the big showdown then happened between the Eisenhower administration and McCarthy. McCarthy was destroyed, but it was basically all the same kind of concentrated smear from every corner of the establishment media that took him out and took, took Goldwater out. So the third example of this kind of activity, concentrated activity, incredible activity, no pretense of objectivity of any kind. The third example is the treatment of Donald Trump, and we've all seen it. But there's one difference. In between the time of Ronald Reagan, and some of this is because of what Reagan did in the White House, but between the time of Ronald Reagan and the time that Donald Trump came down the elevator in 02/2015, we got talk radio. And then right behind talk radio, we got, the Internet and social media and the ability to speak directly to audiences and have millions and millions of people in the audience. Because this is when Trump was on Twitter, and it was before Twitter, excuse me, censored him. So, yes, the the corporate established media go watered Trump. They certainly did and still do today. I mean, they've never stopped, folks, from 2015 to '2 to 2025. Ten solid years of it. But there's other means of communication now to get the truth out to enough people that Donald Trump is a very successful politician. In my opinion, he's won the presidency three times. And I won't get into all of my feelings about that middle one there, 2020. But the 2020 still is an example of the same phenomena that went on with Goldwater and with McCarthy because it wasn't just in the media. It was in the entire establishment that sabotage was underway and has been underway with Trump. So these are all signs that he is as flawed as he is and as much as you may disagree with him on certain issues, which I certainly do, that he is sincere and more importantly than being sincere, which is not the most important characteristic for a politician to have, folks. The most important characteristic for a politician to have is to attack your enemies effectively. That is the that is the most, single most important attribute for any politician I'm interested in supporting is are they effective in prosecuting our America first agenda and and and prosecuting and destroying, hopefully, in the future, our enemies. That's all I care about. And, Trump, overall overall, despite incredible resistance, has been very effective in doing that. And it it it isn't just the attack of the enemy, it's also the issues that Trump took up. The big three populist issues that were all no no's, they were folks. You weren't supposed to talk about these trade deals. I mean, people did, but particularly in the GOP. I mean, it was the death penalty if you wanted any special interest money. You didn't attack these trade deals. I mean, sure, there was people, talk show host that did and and other people in society that didn't like NAFTA and some of the union guys way back. You gotta reach back there before they all sold out. There were you some union people that were against NAFTA, that were against the, GATT situation, the the WTO, the World Trade Organization. But, but generally, you were not allowed to talk about that within the political system and within the campaign funding system that existed and the media ecosystem of that day, you were not allowed. And even more so was to talk much about immigration. Sure. You could talk about it, but not in the way that Donald Trump talked about it, in the way the American people wanted him to talk about it, about not just stopping illegal immigration cold, but in deportations. And before Trump had to sell, out a little bit, or as we used to say, he may not have sold out, but he may have rented himself a little bit to these tech bros. Matter of fact, I can tell you he did before he changed his mind on h one b visas and some of these other issues. Trump was, for whacking a lot of legal immigration too. He made many statements over the years that way. Exactly what the people wanted to hear, but exactly what nobody who wanted to stay in good graces of the council on foreign relations, good graces with the chamber of commerce, good graces with the RNC, things that they could you could not say and stay in good graces with these organizations. Trump did it anyway. And the third one was endless wars. And here, there's a little bit of a breakout between the Republicans and the Democrats. But having traveled the entire United States for a man named Ron Paul in 2007 and 02/2008, a constitutionalist, conservative Republican who was standing up against this idiotic war in Iraq. You are not allowed. You are not allowed to do that. And, you know, nobody put a gag over his mouth, and the establishment media liked the fact he was mixing it up over in the GOP area, but had no chance to win. But that was the point. He had no chance to win because the party apparatus would not allow that, and the talk show universe of the big talkers would not allow that. Folks, we're going back to 02/2007. I'm sorry. You may worship Rush Limbaugh. You may think Sean Hannity is just the greatest thing in the world, but I'm gonna tell you folks, they would not amuse that some of the things Ron was saying, and he was telling the truth. He was right, and he was a precursor. That's why I wrote a book called Forerunner, the unlikely role of Ron Paul. But he certainly was because he talked not exactly in the same way as Trump did, and he didn't come from the same philosophic moorings that Trump came from, but he talked about these international trade deals, Ron Paul did. He talked about immigration. He talked about building a wall. He talked about ending birthright citizenship. But anyway, these are the things that Trump came forward with as well, but gathered huge steam because he had the three characteristics. And what I'm again, folks, my my my, area of this show right now, we are talking about the authenticity of Donald Trump and why I think regardless of whether he's somewhat corrupt or he had to make some deals or he did that or this or that, he is still the enemy of our core enemy in the deep state. And, I firmly believe it. But, anyway, Trump had the ability to be viable unlike Ron Paul, unlike Pat Buchanan, unlike others that were on the scene because he appeared authentic, because he was taking these positions, and by his mannerisms overall, he appeared to be independent because he had a lot of money, because he had the number one TV show, because he has a swagger like no one else that I've seen in politics. I mean, period. I just haven't seen anyone else like him for swagger. And, be because of those things, he looked like he was good, and he looked like he was viable. The third key point. You know, a lot of people said, oh, Ron. Well, he's I really kinda like what he says, but a lot of these people were whispering this to me in corners of, convention halls, in corners of meetings, in hallways, on the telephone. They weren't saying it in front of a microphone, folks, all these party officials and whatnot. But with Trump, he looked viable. People started coming out and saying, wait a minute. This guy could win. And, of course, he did. And and they poured the money on him. They they did they established me the the standard thing. They were all smearing him in the media. They poured the money onto his opponents. First, Jeb Bush and then little Marco, and somewhere in there was Kasich. I mean, hell, we don't even hear about him anymore. And, Marco came across, came on came out to the Trump team. But, anyway, they poured the money on him. They used all the best sophisticated, poll tested, and focus group tested talking points against Trump, and nobody cared. They just kept voting for him in huge numbers In state after state after state, whether it was a convention state or a primary state, it made no difference. He was moving the mass and moving particularly the Republican Party and adding to the Republican Party. I remember trade union guys. They did a whole segment on these two, union organizers from I think it was Cleveland. Maybe it was Detroit who, on their own dime, were traveling all over the country in 2015 for Donald Trump because they were sick of the sellout on these trade deals. This is and so, anyway, this is how I come to the conclusion to get to my point as I attempt to wander onto many side points. My main point is Trump was viable, and he won, and, he had all the right enemies. All the right enemies. And he did a number of things in the first term that appeared to show he was sincere. Now I know there are some people do not like everything that happened in the first term. My god. I didn't. But, he was sincere. And then now let me tell you what he did not have. What did he not have in 2016? He did not have a movement around him. He did not have an organization around him. When he started his presidential campaign, he had, like, five guys on his national staff. I mean, it grew. But, you know, I know how this works because that's about how we started with Ron Paul in 02/2007. And and, you know, we finally got up to over a 100 paid staffers in that campaign. And I'm sure Trump eclipse that by quite a bit, but he did not have an army around him. George Bush senior had I was told and I'm not even remembering the number now. I believe it was 10,000 names in his Rolodex of people they could pick up the phone and call that were seasoned, experienced, political operatives, well connected, wealthy, big time lobbyists, whatever it took to immediately staff whatever he was doing, including, of course, his administration where he kicked out all vestiges, the ones that all the Reagan people he didn't kick out as vice president with his buddy James a Baker for years as the chief of staff. He got rid of the rest of them when he became president. And why is that, folks? It's because personnel is policy. 110%. Personnel is policy. You hear me say this all the time because it's absolutely damn true. You can't do anything as president if you don't have three or 4,000 people around you who are totally loyal, who are totally on the same page, prosecuting your agenda and driving it through. All of the power centers, all the agencies of government, all of the agencies in, all of the, apparatus of the Republican Party, and many other power centers in society. You have to have this, folks. You have to have an army behind you. Trump didn't have that in '20, '16. He still didn't have it in 2020, but very far far farsighted, dedicated people built it for him for this election. It was called project twenty twenty five, folks. The biggest part of that project was the database of vetted individuals. It was not the policy prescriptions. But personnel is policy, and we are going to continue on that vein in that vein. Right after the news, you're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio. Speaker 2: FDR, his socialist New Deal, his plotting for war, his plans for a new order fueled by alien ideas and aided by communists, and the rotten origins of today's Democrat party. Lou Moore tells the story in five episodes on his show Hour of Decision. Click on the show logo on Liberty News Radio's website. It's on the front page at libertynewsradio.com. Speaker 1: This is Lou Moore. Join me each week on Hour of Decision where we discuss history, like FDR's history. We also talk politics and tactics for committed patriots. Speaker 2: Join Lou Moore for Hour of Decision, Saturday or Sunday, on Liberty News Radio at 2PM eastern. Our civilization is on the line, and this is the Hour of Decision. Speaker 1: Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore, and we have been talking about why I have placed as much faith as I have in Donald Trump. Starting with the fact that he's been treated, like, people in the past who were real threats to the Fabian socialist conspiracy, to the corporate masters that we have been living under in this country and not for five or ten years, folks. We're talking a hundred years plus. One hundred years plus. And the revolution against our constitutional government, as I've said many times on this show, happened with the, inauguration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1933 as was clearly enunciated in a monograph called the revolution was written by, at the time, the editor of the Saturday Evening Post, a man named Garrett Garrett. So it's been a long time, folks, at this slow, gradual, Fabian movement, this stealth, slow but sure movement to Marxist, socialist, total government has occurred in this country with some pretty dramatic acceleration in the past few years, and I would argue that was because of the threat of Donald Trump and the movement, built around Donald Trump. And that is the second reason. The first reason I have it's not so much in putting my faith in Trump, why I support Trump. The first reason is I see from our enemies, he is a threat to them. Secondly, people are waking up on every front, and they're not Donald Trump clones. They're not in a cult for Donald Trump. Not hardly. Look at this Epstein situation. Holy smokes. That way people have turned on him because he didn't behave very well at the beginning of this last little Epstein saga that that started a few weeks ago. But, anyhow, people are not people are not in a cult, but what is true is there are people who are libertarian minded. There are people who are more nationalist minded. There are people who are very much America first minded. There's people whose big issue is immigration. There's people whose big issue is manufacturing, American manufacturing. There's people whose big issue is health, There's people whose biggest issue is what's being taught in our schools. And, you know, and then, you know, there is there is the core the core of the grassroots conservative movement that's, formed long before Donald Trump, the three legged stool of the gun rights people, of the pro lifers, and of the anti taxers. I mean, this goes way back, folks. This is basic politics one zero one, and Donald Trump built on that core. He built on that core. He built on the, gathering, huge gathering of grassroots people in the Tea Party effort where some of these other issues began to bleed in despite the best effort of our corporate masters taking over Tea Party groups, and keeping them on message, immigration, trade, and endless wars. I mean, not to mention the fact we had this economic meltdown where our our our corporate masters were obviously out to screw us and to save their own skins, which they did in both, instances. They screwed us, and they saved their own skins. Nobody went to jail. And then the Iraq war. I mean, it was right in our face by the time Donald Trump showed up on the scene. But, so there was he built on that group, on the Tea Party group, and then added a whole another layer of people inspired by his authenticity, his independence, and his viability, as I just said. And so they tried to keep him out of office. They tried to keep him out of office the second time, then they tried to take all of his money away from him and throw him into prison. Censorship going wild, pre communism going wild in this country, the mass coming off, particularly of the Democrat party and what they're all about. And, I would argue that that was all accelerated, by the threat of Donald Trump. So, you know, there and then there, you know, there was another issue set on top of that first one. You know, the absolute opposition to DEI, which wasn't absolute opposition in the corporate halls of America folks, including among a lot of, rhino Republicans, but it certainly was true among people out in normal people in society. The whole transgender thing, which is totally insane, And, that whole thing that is still playing out with athletics and in other areas, drag queen story hour is an example. And then and and even the climate hoax and confronting the Green New Deal, which most of our previous Republican leaders would have said, we just need to slow down on that a little bit. Of course, we wanna take efforts to, solve climate change. People like John Curtis, my senator in Utah, a total phony, I will not digress and get off on senator Curtis, one of Utah's two senators. But, anyway, there's plenty of them in the congress, and we're gonna get back to the congress in just a minute. But, anyway, so there was new issues that came up that also had a lot of potency. You know, moms, the moms in school, and the COVID scam had a lot of potency. And, and Trump kinda got that all through Bobby Kennedy even though Trump went to rally after rally telling us how great operation warp speed was. It was great for Pfizer and Moderna, but it was not great particularly for the children of America or for anybody else that's suffering from a turbo cancer or has, you know, all these other problems. And we're not just beginning to even find out what problems we're going to have as a result of 85 of the population taking that damn vaccine. But Trump, and, again, to his credit, adding to his credits, he finally shut up about that pretty much because he does listen to his base. So anyway, to avoid wandering further and to get to my point, Trump is the glue holding together a disparate coalition. It started with the Reagan coalition, added to by the Tea Party, added to by the Buchanan movement, added to by Ron Paul's campaign, and what was prompted from that campaign. And, and then still building with the issue sets as they changed from the time Trump went down the elevator in 02/2015. He's the glue, folks. He's what's holding this whole thing together, not a small thing. When you've seen when you see how conservatives can rip each other apart and be so divided and so determined to be pure than the conservatives sitting next to them. You know? Once you understand that phenomena, you see how valuable Trump is, and I and and more and more criticism is coming his way. And, he's played pretty fast and loose with the credibility he has gained, but he's still in the main hazard. Just look at the polling. He has united the the base and really the Republican Party, the mass of people who identify as Republicans, who register as Republicans. The numbers are incredible. Still over 90% is good or better than any other Republican president than any other major Republican figure in any of our lifetimes. So Trump has been incredible pulling a disparate group together around these issue sets that I've talked about and around the overall overarching devastating theme, devastating to our internationalist corporate masters of make America great again and America first. So these things aren't small, folks. Before you even get into his performance in as in as in his second term, which in many ways has been magnificent. Everybody talks about the border, and why not? We had moronic Republican senators getting on Fox News saying, well, we may have to make a deal with the Democrats, so we only have 5,000 illegal aliens coming in a day instead of the huge numbers that were coming in at one point. Now there's none coming in, folks. None. This is because of Trump. Absolutely. 110. And the active goal, very difficult to achieve. We'll see what happens with the new infusions of money coming from the big beautiful bill, but the difficult goal to achieve are deportations. But he is on it, at least to some degree. So we'll see about that. And the things that he has done in the free speech area and the people he has fired, and we're gonna talk about personnel in just a minute about the people he has not fired. But, so and, you know, you can go down the list. The energy, opening up the energy again as he did in the first term. Getting rid of 10 regulations for every new regulation, which is a fantastic metric to put in place and strict sure to put in place and, absolutely fantastic. And, so he has done many, many beautiful things already. I'm not gonna take a lot of time going down that list because, unfortunately, folks, I'm gonna be going down the other list of things that are not going so good, and I'm gonna focus on that for the rest of the show. So now to use diplomatic corporate language, where are their challenges in the Trump administration? Well, we obviously have a special interest problem in the Trump administration. Every administration does unless you are completely removed from owing these people anything, which is I've talked about before. Trump didn't quite get there. He still had to come to Marion Adelson for a $100,000,000. Oops. Israel lobby in the front door. Elon Musk, hundreds of millions of dollars, other tech bros. And it wasn't just with the tech bros, it wasn't just how much money they poured on the Trump campaign or on the super packs or related organizations, the grassroots effort or whatever to the Trump campaign, but it's what they didn't do. What they didn't do to help Kamala. That might have been almost as important, and I don't have the whole inside story on that, but I could just imagine. And so you get people like, Bill Ackerman and, you know, a lot of these other guys. And so you get Trump on a call to Silicon Valley saying, oh, I just love h one b visas. I just think they're the greatest thing in the world. Now what do you mean I was against them? No. I love h one b visas. We I have them at my hotels. I use them in my hotels. And so, you know, totally went back on his promise there. But, you know, this is politics, folks. This happens. I'm not happy about that. But, I think with the tech bros, it goes just a little bit farther than that. We've got a big AI problem as I see it right now. A big digital tyranny problem, which didn't start with Trump, But I was counting on Trump to hold all that stuff back at minimum, if not destroy the threat to our liberty that is coming from these people that want to have us voting on the Internet. That want our whole life, on a chip that is gonna become our ID that's embedded in us. And all of these other ideas that sound kinda wacky, but are are about two inches from happening, folks. About two inches from happening, and Trump is pretty much pushing it along. And this whole AI issue, with some of the sub issues, I mean, the biggest AI issue isn't a political issue per se. It's a fact that this technology, we just don't know the total ramifications of it, but millions of people in the workplace, it's becoming pretty obvious folks, are gonna be displaced by AI. It's already happening. Not by the millions yet, but it's already happening. And, you know, yeah, you add the fact they wanna bring all these Indians in and give them an h one b visa, and we got almost a million people with h one b visas right now. And then you have this other wave of layoffs because of AI at the at the entry level and the intermediate level at these tech companies. And at in the tech areas of all companies, the area of growth for middle class wages over the last many years, as we've seen the receding of manufacturing, as we've seen the receding of other kinds of employment where a family could, live, make enough money to buy a house. Yeah. And when you combine that with combine that with the high interest rates with the incredible inflation of real estate prices, we got big problem coming. Big, big problem coming. And, you know, Trump is not on the right side, where this issue runs up against the public right now on issues like intellectual property. I mean, Trump is sitting there with a bunch of our worst enemies the other day, bragging up this Namibia or Namibia. There's a company that is totally in bed with the Chinese Communist Party, a company that Trump has just decided to give, one of the highest, priority, highest tech, if that's the right term, chips, saying that they can sell those to China. And, of course, this company's in bed with China. They're in bed with us. They're making supposedly our best chips, and supposedly, they are not sharing them with China. When this young kid that Trump thinks is such a hotshot that runs this company is totally in bed with the communist Chinese folks. It's just a fact. Or you could say it's just a business reality. But it's a problem. That much I can tell you, a big problem. And when Trump is saying, well, you guy wrote a book, you know, sorry, but we just may not be able to, you know, obey what would have been his intellectual rights of that book. We're gonna let these tech guys just suck up all this data no matter who it belongs to and shove it into these AI programs so we can stay ahead of China. You know? I'm sorry, but that needs a lot more scrutiny than it's been getting. And, of course, they pulled the bill that said that the states can regulate AI for ten years, but you watch folks. It's gonna sneak into somewhere else. Ted Cruz playing with the big boys, playing with the, tech bros, and Trump, not opposing it, not in any way, but a a a groundswell from people listening to Bannon's War Room, listening to Alex Jones, listening to some of these other shows. A groundswell from these people, people who follow Marjorie Taylor Greene and some of the good members of congress, you know, they got this whack to where the senators were afraid everyone of them were afraid to put their name on this bill that would have prevented states from scrutinizing some of these things with AI like intellectual property. So we got big problem there, folks, and not to mention where all this digital stuff is going, and we have this stable coin. Oh, it's gonna be the greatest thing in the world. Folks, the stated goal of PayPal was to create a alternative world digital currency. I don't give a damn if it's private. If it's owned by privateers, people working who have always worked with our other corporate masters for global governance, I don't care if it's some private thing that if if they are centralizing things, if they make it to where you need to use these other means, these stablecoins or whatever for transactions, folks, that's just one step. That step can quickly be leapfrogged to the world digital currency and kiss all of your freedom goodbye. Kiss it goodbye. If you don't give a damn about your freedom, then just let these guys run wild with this stuff. But I'm telling you, we cannot do that, and Trump is not protecting us in this area. So that's issue number one. Issue number two, of course, I've I had two episodes, and I will have yet one more next week about Israel, about the organized Jewish community, and how not only are they intruding, upon president Trump's stated America first keep us out of endless wars foreign policy. We saw that with Iran, with the near miss we had with Iran recently. But now it's getting serious, folks, because while Trump is beating down all these left wingers who were, you know, in the FBI and in the academy and in in in the intelligence agencies who were trying to take away your freedom of speech, your freedom of associate association, your basic fundamental liberties. While Trump has been good on that issue, he's gonna erase it all, folks, with all of this support for this so called anti Semitic legislation where people are not going to be able to criticize Israel, where they're equating criticism of Israel with anti so called antisemitism, a word itself that that is phony because, there's a ton of Semites in this world who happen to be Arabs, and they're never, you know, that the terms never applied that way, but that's a that's another thing. Won't get off onto that right now, but very dangerous, folks. The idea that certain accounts of what has happened in the past are codified into law where no other events in the past are codified into law. Historians are generally free to look continually at the evidence and the arguments that are being made with the evidence presented about what happened in World War two, what happened in, World War one, what happened in the civil war, what happened with the the role of women in society, or whatever the issue is. But now we're saying, oh, you can't talk about certain things, certain things the Israel lobby and the Jewish organized Jewish community don't like. This is wrong, folks. It's in 15 states right now. This law is in 15 states right now, and it is so dangerous. I can't hardly describe it. Very dangerous. But, so that's a big problem, but a overarching problem that is not just Trump's problem by any means, but the personnel is policy problem that Trump has. I talked earlier about the fact that he originally didn't have a whole army of people behind him, which he now does. An effective potentially very effective army. And he's gotten a lot of people in the administration that don't need to be cleared through congress, and he's gotten most of his key cabinet picks. He didn't get the most important one that we needed the most, and we're gonna really regret we didn't have Matt Gaetz as we go forward here, I predict. But these intermediary managerial positions in the agencies, folks, that is what is being held up in the congress right now. The Democrats will not pass these people out. It used to be done on voice vote. On almost every case, they will not give any of them a voice vote. They're bottling these, appointees up, and the leaders in the house and the senate, so called Republicans, are preventing Trump from doing recess appointments, which are constitutional. They're not permanent. They expire, but they are perfectly legal and they have been used before when there's been this problem. But they're not going to let Trump do this. And this is totally wrong. And right along with it, and the personnel is policy problem, is the fact that people like Laura Loomer could just go on the Internet and keep finding people that are getting high positions in the Trump administration who are no damn good. Who this guy they're gonna put number two at NSA who vacations with John Brennan. What the hell is going on here, folks? It's not right. Something is really wrong. The congress is interfering. We're getting the right people in the Trump administration, and there's some people in the Trump administration who are also interfering at the highest levels with getting the right people in to prosecute the America first agenda, and that is a big problem. A big problem I have with Trump and a big problem that we are going to have to solve one way or the other or big trouble. Big trouble. So we'll see. We'll keep going here with old Trump. We got no choice, but we got some problems. We got a lot of good things to report and some real nervous areas we have to report as well. My name is Lou Moore. You're listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio, and I'll see you again talking about that Israel problem again next week. Thank you.