Episode 68 Hour of Decision: FDR (2): Revolution Within the Form

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the because this is the Hour of Decision. Speaker 1: Hour of Decision with Lou Moore starts now. Good afternoon. Welcome to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore. This afternoon, we are going to continue our foray, our adventure through the history of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the most consequential president of The United States in the last one hundred years. If you're looking in terms of the Fabian project, if you're looking in terms of the consolidation of power, not just in the presidency, but in the federal government of the United States vis a vis the states and the local government. Looking at the textbook example of crisis brings opportunity or as, Rahm Emanuel said, don't let any crisis go to waste. Well, FDR, Franklin Roosevelt certainly did not let that happen when the stock market crashed in 1929, and it was followed by a worldwide depression in the early nineteen thirties. And, of course, he won the election over Herbert Hoover in 1932. And it was obvious from the beginning, folks, obviously, as soon as the first year that they were in office, that that that there were pundits, there were people observing what was going on on in Washington, that it was very clear to these folks that Roosevelt was interested in what he called reform, not recovery. Recovery had to do with the 22% unemployment that the country was suffering from when he took office in January of nineteen thirty three. But reform, that was code for all of the new programs, all of the new powers that Washington was taking unto itself, all the new restrictions on business, all the new programs to make everything better for you, to take tax money and distribute it politically for the advantage of the Roosevelt team and the folks that were prosecuting what they called the new deal. So they were looking for they were really a lot of people were observing. They were really looking more for reform than for recovery, and it's a good thing because, from the time they took office in 1933 through 1937, they didn't have we didn't have a recovery. They lessened the amount of unemployment, but it was still running 13 15% in, 1937, very high. Can you imagine today if our unemployment rate was 13%, folks? I mean, it would be a a catastrophe. It would be considered catastrophic. Well, after displacing tons of tax money and tons of money that were printed out of nothing and giving it to the federal government and starting all these various programs, some of them having millions of individuals in the program like the Civilian Conservation Corps, like the Works Progress Administration. Even after all of this intervention directly into the economy and all these transfer payments, as they're called, there were still millions and millions of Americans out of work and millions more in crummy government jobs that were not growing the economy. So that's, I mean, that's what happened, folks. Anyway, we ended up last week talking about the two agencies that, Roosevelt tried to move forward with without any doubt that were the biggest tell as to what he was up to and what level of power he apps act actually wanted to obtain as president of The United States. Power unheard of, not even imagined by any of his predecessors. The first one was the National Recovery Administration, the Blue Eagle. And the Blue Eagle actually, the the the whole dynamic around that organization, the whole the whole pattern of thinking that created it came from the activity of Roosevelt's number one man behind the scenes, Bernard Baruch. His activities in the first World War. Bernard Baruch, big supporter of, Woodrow Wilson, big supporter of Fabianism, but he was made the head of the War Industries Board, the WIB, in World War one. And at one point, during the prosecution of World War one, it was said that the head of the WIB had more power than any president, than any American had ever had since 1776, since 1787, since the beginning of our constitution, the beginning of our nation. Because this war industries board was given absolute power over the private property, over the financial transactions, over the day to day activities, essentially, of Americans. So that was the model. And, of course, that did end after the the war, the emergency of World War one, but that was the model for the Blue Eagle, for the National Recovery Administration that had hundreds of codes. Codes that got ex in extreme detail in terms of every industry, telling people who made macaroni exactly what had to be in macaroni and what could not be in macaroni. What could be, tailored? What could be sewn? What kind of patterns were required? What kind of materials would be used? And all of this, was destructive to the nth degree to small business, but was actually, a source of profit for big business. Once big business got the flow of what the government wanted, with these with the price controls, with the lobbying power of big business, they were able to get prices for things that caused them to make a lot of money. So, as Amity Shale said, that they they did they had no concern about the effect on small business. In fact, Rexford Tugwell, one of the brain trusters, is quoted as saying, bigness bigness no. We are no longer afraid of bigness. He was talking about big business, folks. Big business and the government working together hand in hand for a managed economy. So these folks are the absolute opposite. The die they're diametric diametric opposition to the, the kind of commerce that that most Americans think makes America, which is the commerce of innovators and of small business, of entrepreneurs, not the commerce of the large corporations that use preferential treatment they get from the big banks, that use the preferential treatment they get from the government, that use the preferential treatment they get through their lobbyists from the congress in terms of tax treatment and every other thing. And this this went on before, the new deal and certainly went on during the new deal greatly to the advantage of the big. Just the opposite of what you were taught in your public school. Big business was greatly advantaged by all this new governmental, and may I say Marxist intervention. Small business, the absolute loser, the absolute victim. So the other large organization besides the Blue Eagle that Roosevelt tried to get off the ground in 1933 was the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. This one was handed to Rexford Tugwell. Now if you remember, mister Tugwell and Stuart Chase went over to, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1927 and went and looked at their five year plan for agriculture, and they just they practically got goosebumps, folks. They were so excited about the dynamic central planning of the Bolsheviks in Russia. Never mind how many people starved from the time they went over there to the time that mister Tugwell took office as the administrator of the AAA. It wasn't just a few. Let me assure you. And in fact, talking about the effect of the AAA, so the agriculture administration, they they were the same basically, the same thing in agriculture that the Blue Eagle and the NRA was, in industry. They wanted to determine, what was, excuse me, what was put on the market and what, What quantities were put on the market, how much they would cost, and whether certain competitors, certain farmers would be able to be in the market. Complete control over agriculture. This is something I wrote, a few years ago, and it has a quote from John Steinbeck. If you know who John Steinbeck is, don't hear that much about him anymore. Tremendous, writer of novels that are centered usually in the Salinas Valley in Northern California. He wrote, in fact, The Grapes of Wrath that we're gonna be quoting from in just a minute. So the other program most emblematic of the New Deal was the Agriculture Adjustment Administration. Like the NRA, this program sought to control prices and farm production, but it failed to end the farm depression and was in fact a disaster for small farmers, financially struggling Americans, may many in a daily battle with hunger, who watched in horror the destruction of millions of tons of perfectly good food at the hands of clueless federal bureaucrats. So here we go now from John Steinbeck writing in the Grapes of Wrath. There is a crime here that goes beyond denunciation. There's a sorrow here that weeping cannot symbolize. There is a failure here that topples all of our successes. The fertile earth, the straight tree rows, the sturdy trunks, and the ripe fruit. And the coroners must fill in the certificates. Diet of malnutrition because the food must rot, must be forced to rot. The people come with nets to fish for potatoes in the river, and the guards hold them back. They come in rattling cars to get the dumped oranges, but the kerosene is sprayed. And they stand still and watch the potatoes float by, listen to the screaming pigs being killed in a ditch and covered with quicklime, which the mountains of oranges slop down to a putrefying ooze. And in the eyes of the people, there is failure. And in the eyes of the hungry, there is a growing wrath. In the souls of the people, the grapes of wrath are filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for the vintage. Both the NRA and the triple a would be struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, Roosevelt's two biggest programs, in 1935. However, the basic thrust against business and against personal liberty in favor of centralized planning, restriction, and regimentation, rewards and punishment issued by Washington DC, well, folks, that would continue. The court's action caused FDR to consider adding justices to the Supreme Court to get a balance more to his likely that more to his liking, his infamous court packing plan. This was a rare misstep for FDR. Instead, one of the justice began to alter his interpretation of the law to conform to future new deal measures, which led to the oft repeated quote of the time, a switch in time saves nine. So folks actually, you know, I would argue in some ways this was not this was a a success for FDR, not a defeat because he pressured the court and pressured particularly the youngest member of the court whose name I don't have in front of me here, who suddenly began. Once these threats were issued about adding six, five, 11, nine, all these different numbers, huge numbers in some cases, of new Supreme Court justices to change the, dynamics of the court to give Roosevelt nothing but victories. Once he threatened that, there weren't any more big decisions against the New Deal. Pretty much went all their their way with the court packing. So questionable whether that was actually a defeat for FDR or not, other than the fact he lost his two programs. If they tried to smuggle as much, particularly with the AAA, they continued a tremendous level of control through air, through other legislation, after the AAA was struck down. So one of the other big, big, big programs, probably the other biggest program that FDR tried to put in place in 1935 was Social Security, the Social Security Act. Now now this is definitely, an action of FDR that still impacts all of us today. It impacts seniors because they receive checks. They're not if they qualify fairly minimal qualifications, they receive, payments. And, but those payments come from somewhere else in the economy. This is how it always works. So there were problems for recipients in this program. One of them is, this program doesn't have growth. This program has very little growth. They try to make up for inflation to some small degree. But while you're, you know, while somebody is in a growth fund getting 14% out of the market, Social security is just humming along with a 2.3% annual increase. Now every year isn't like that, and markets crash. But this is just not a very satisfactory way, in my opinion, to tie up the huge amounts of money it ties up, that could go to a more productive use in terms of giving the senior something when they retire. So that's a problem. It costs employers. There's a payroll tax. It also costs the seniors, but it costs employers, which automatically raises unemployment. Now this gets back to what was happening during the depression. Supposedly, year after year, there's this, though, 15%, seventy %, thirteen % unemployment coming down from 22% unemployment in 1933. But a lot of these programs created more unemployment That they they were worse for for employment, but they did set up a system to make all Americans to at least some degree dependent on the government. And, basically, everybody in the middle class on down, once they retire in America, are dependent financially on the federal government. Now the other problem here right off the bat is that this was a program that was made to be looted because there's a Social Security trust fund, but it's not a real trust fund. And starting in the Lyndon Johnson era, when that big spender was in the White House trying to get his hands on every single dollar that he could get his hands on, they started spending the money in the Social Security trust fund and leaving an IOU and saying, well, there there are no problem. The government will be good for it just when it's due. When the money's due that we took out, we'll just put it put it in to make sure that, you know in other words, it's a Ponzi scheme at this point, and and and they're assuming that there'll be enough money that keeps coming in, that the Ponzi scheme will not be discovered and crash. The problem with that is is the birth rates here in The United States and the rate of employment here in The United States. I believe when Roosevelt started, Social Security, there was something like one recipient of Social Security for about every 30 or 35 participants in the system. In other words, workers who would someday receive Social Security, but we're putting money into the system, something along those lines. And over time, the number just got smaller and smaller and smaller until in the time that I've been involved with these issues in Washington DC and other places, it got, down to three three participants in the system, three donors into the system for one recipient heading to two donors in the system heading to one recipient. Well, folks, I think you can see that that is going to be a disaster at some point. The disaster's gonna come, and they've they've adjusted Social Security two or three times. The big well, the famous ones was during the Ronald Reagan years where he had cut all these taxes, and then he had to go back in and raise the taxes on social security to save that system. So the system has been given some inputs to give it life, to keep it going, but those, tax inputs have been expensive, and it made this system more and more expensive. So, again, less and less valuable to the public if it doesn't grow, if it doesn't pay that much, if it's more expensive right along to, participate in the system, and if they're stealing the money to where at some point maybe they will have difficulty covering those IOUs. All of these things are a problem. And then there's another problem has nothing to do with social security, but it was in the same act, the same bill, the aid to dependent children program, which is basically what we know is welfare, which is often associated with Black Americans, but Americans of all backgrounds have participated in it. But it is a program that particularly in the Black community absolutely destroyed the Black family. And when the black family was destroyed, folks, principally by this system, it's just it's a catastrophe, and it's a catastrophe that's played out and is obvious and easy to see in every American city. It's just it's a nightmare, folks. And I would actually recommend you watch a, documentary that was financed by financed by blacks, produced by blacks, written by blacks, one hundred percent black production called the Uncle Tom two. And you can find it on the Internet, Uncle Tom two, and it describes it shows what Harlem was like in the early nineteen thirties during what they called the Harlem Renaissance, the elegance of the place, this, the, the civilization that was abundantly clear manifesting itself in the place of Harlem with dignified families, with people that had careers, with people going somewhere, with people that had a level of stability despite the fact that those people had only been out of slavery for, what? A hundred years, not even a hundred years at that point. But this aid to dependent children program and other things, the the the, changes in the criminal justice system and other welfare programs have been a complete disaster to, to the folks at the bottom of the rung in our economy, but particularly to the African Americans, to the blacks in our country. That's also part of what Roosevelt's brought us with, the Social Security Act because it's in the Social Security Act. So we're gonna take a break here for a moment. And, folks, I'm gonna tell you right now that securevotenot.news is a place you should check two or three times a week on the web. We've got news from all over the country about folks that are still fighting the battle for election integrity, and we're just really getting started cleaning up this election system, and it's gonna be absolutely vital, particularly those of you that have liked what president Trump has done recently. You first thing I would do is start looking around, locally to see where they are at with your electoral system because it's probably still not in very good shape. That would be my guess. Anyway, securevote.news. My name is Lou Moore. This is the hour of decision, and we will be right back after the news. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore, and we have been talking about Franklin Delano Roosevelt, about the new deal, about the real beginning of the Fabian socialist control of The United States Of America, which occurred during his administration. So he took advantage of a crisis. And folks, that's what we have in this country right now. The reason this is the hour of decision is not just because there's something wrong out there. We have to decide what to do with it. It's because there is a crisis that is affecting a lot of people, and a lot of people realize it is a crisis. Making this a historical hour where something can be done about it. In other words, millions of people are aware now of the back US content in the public schools that they've been feeding their kids. Millions of American women realize that their children have been at risk for these vaccinations. Millions of people realize our election system is not exactly what it was cracked up to be, that there was a steal, that the twenty twenty election was stolen, not a small matter in in 2020. That censorship is has been at least. We'll see what how long, this honeymoon with Trump goes on with the tech, billionaires. But, we've been going through a period of extreme censorship. And then there's just several other crises. I mean, there's so many of them. It's hard to get them through an introduction into the second half of the show. But overseas, Ukraine, what's going on in Israel, what's going on with China, both with South Korea when you don't hear much about, and with Taiwan, the situation, going on, as I said, with Israel, the situation at the border, which one part of it, it looks like Trump could solve in about two hours. I mean, basically, nobody's crossing the border without authorization right now. But, unfortunately, somewhere in the neighborhood of 15,000,000 people crossed the border from the time that Joe Biden became our president until we could rest that office out of his hands. So it is still a crisis because what are we going to do with all these people? Are we gonna really be able to deport them? Are the Democrats gonna be able to just flout the law and defy, not just authority, but reason, good sense about their country to, to keep this destructive pattern going with all these gang members, with all these other people that don't belong here, displaced people, people with mental issues, etcetera. Anyway, we're in a crisis. Crisis brings opportunity, and that's why this is the hour of decision. That's why this is the hour of decision, and this is why I'm also reviewing for you some very consequential history. It's when almost all Americans realized they may have been lied to about the reason for the crisis, but all Americans back in 1933, '19 '30 '4, '19 '30 '5, all Americans realized that the country was in a crisis. And it was an hour of decision too at that point. Unfortunately, too many of them decided to go with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was an interesting figure. Let's put it that way. Let's put it that way. To say that Franklin Roosevelt was a slippery individual is such an understatement. It's almost beyond belief. Well, we mentioned earlier or we mentioned last week how Roosevelt, who had full intention of, beginning a socialist regime like we had never seen in The United States before, that that, he had to get through the primary with the Democrats against a bunch of small government Democrats following the former governor of New York, not him, the another former governor of New York, Al Smith. And so he just campaigned on small government. I wanna balance the budget. I don't wanna spend a bunch of money. The best thing to do to get people back to work and get the economy back on its feet is for the government to get its fiscal house in order. I don't wanna be a big spender. Roosevelt just goes on and on with this when he had no intention of being like this. Then he got in office, and that was all out the window within an hour of the time he got into office. Then we talked about these White House, these fireside chats. I almost said White House chats. Fireside chats, he called them, every Saturday night where he would talk to you, my friends, and he would be, so intimate with you in your living rooms and with your radios because you didn't have TV back in that day, but you did pretty much every home had a radio, located, usually in the living room where everybody could sit around and listen to it just like people, have a a video screen or a television, in their living room today. But, you know, Roosevelt was different. He didn't give the party line. He didn't give the party talking points and all that. He talked to you like you were his friend. But what he didn't do is he wasn't very specific about where he stood on most issues or where he was going to stand tomorrow on the current issues of the day that were of concern to the people. He was slippery about that whole thing. Historian William Lukenberg, who is generally a fawning, devotee of Roosevelt, worshipful of Roosevelt in his historical research of the man, nonetheless pointed out the number of political cartoons, that were created during the time where Roosevelt was the president, where, you know, Roosevelt would be like looking in a mirror and seeing himself, but he would have a different kind of smile, or he will have some difference about him. Or he was looking in a mirror and there's 10 different Roosevelts. And he's very approving of this, saying that he was tapping into every different facet of his personality to win over different constituencies to get his program across the finish line despite the fact a lot of elements of it could conceivably be unpopular because maybe, like the Social Security Act, they didn't increase employment at a time where employment was still over 15% in the country. Things like that. But nowhere do we see this slipperiness with Roosevelt more than this whole issue of the black vote, returning now to the black vote. So if you've watched some of listened to some of my earlier shows, I talk about the solid South that after the civil war, the Democrats were blessed with winning the entire South. I mean, we're talking Virginia. We're talking North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, new, Mississippi, Georgia, Arkansas, Tennessee, that whole area in through their taxes. And, winning that whole area, in a solid group of electoral votes because, the Republican Party was considered the party of Reconstruction and the party that tried to get black people to vote down there and destroy the way of life of the South. So most white people hated the Republican Party. And for various reasons, most black people didn't vote in the South. So that created a voting block, a white voting block that went to the Democrats time after time after time. So we're now in an era where there's progressivism in the air, and Roosevelt's talking about, boy, all my mankind. We're gonna help everybody, and, you know, nobody's gonna want for anything, and it just gotta be fantastic under my leadership. But at the same time, he still wants all those damn electoral votes. He doesn't wanna lose any of those because he still wants to be president. And so, you have a situation where, for example, there was, I think twice, anti lynching bills came up, to came to his desk from the congress. He would not sign these bills. He he just torpedoed these bills because it's like, what do you what do you think? I'm crazy? I vote for a anti lynching bill that's, you know, whether there's that big of lynching problem really or not, it's it's a bill targeting white southerners. It's symbolic at minimum of of tyrannical behavior alleged on the part of white Southerners. No way would I ever sign that bill. So, you know, that's to solidify those, electoral votes in the South. But at the same time, Roosevelt wants to get the black vote. He's really working on it, folks. And so he's very clever. He was clever as JFK was clever. While in this same period, Truman, was not so clever, and then Johnson just couldn't the the it just could not hold down there with with civil rights beginning and whatnot. But with Roosevelt, he wouldn't, do any civil rights legislation, but he'd get a nice picture of Eleanor with a couple of fine looking African American, recruits for the military and their military finest, or a picture of Franklin with five or six adolescent, African American, women, or, you know, just any kind of picture. And that would go wild to the black community sending a signal. Oh, he's really with us. I know I know he said some things that didn't sound like that he's with us, but he's really with us. And they were more desperate for those signals back at that time than they would be later. So this is how Roosevelt, while, as I said earlier, while keeping the Ku Klux Klan, so to speak, to keep the keeping the white vote, in the tent, He was also getting a larger and larger percentage of the black vote. The black vote had been voting for the Republicans because the Republican party was a party of Lincoln. The president that freed the slaves. So, and the party that fought, on the same side of the civil war is people who were against slavery fought on. But Roosevelt making a move on the black vote and and got about half of it during his time in the White House, which is unbelievable considering this large, large constituency he had in the Southern United States that was completely opposite had completely opposite needs, shall we say, as the, African American voters that he was courting primarily, in the North. The Communist Party later on would help him with that task. We're gonna talk about those communists, CPUSA, in just a minute. So FDR kept winning elections when unemployment was not really going down. I mean, you can say going from 22% to 17% is a major victory, but folks, it's not. It's not a major victory. And, as the old saying goes, you know, if, if, your neighbor next door loses their job, oh, boy. That's a recession. That's terrible. But if you lose your job, that's a full blown depression. That's not a recession. And more and more people were in the category, still still more people, still a large number of people, I should say it, were in the category of not having a job even though we now have millions of make work jobs. The Civilian Conservation Corps, one million young Americans in this kind of militant military type of outfit going around, planting trees and cutting down trees and making trails and being out there in the woods. It's all good, but that costs a lot of money to do all that. And they weren't getting paid a lot of money. And they weren't unemployed. They were employed. So they weren't in that statistic. So you had people with those kinds of jobs, but still, numbers are really high. So another element of this period of time politically was polling came into its own in the nineteen thirties. George Gallup and other pollsters, including Emile Herja. Emile Herja was president Franklin Delano Roosevelt's personal pollster. So right away, as soon as polls get any kind of saliency at all, you got the president wanting to take one every day. That's basically how they work now. And, what they were polling, though, he were he was James Farley's assistant, mister tax and tax, spend and spend, elect and elect, the campaign manager and later, postmaster general, James Farley. But what, what they were measuring was what areas could we move money into, I'm talking new deal program money, new deal programmatic benefits that would increase our vote totals. And they made a real science out of this, moving money into places like Pennsylvania. And, of course, where are they moving money out of? Thinking of both the black vote and the, white vote. They were moving a lot of money out of the South because the South was gonna vote democrat no matter what, folks. At this point in time, they were gonna vote democrat. And, so that money, to a degree, not all of it, of course, but they could chip away around the edges, and they can move that money from, let's say, South Carolina and move it, into a place in the Midwest or in a place like Pennsylvania. And that could be a very effective for, Franklin Delano Roosevelt's campaign to win the election or for a governor to win that's helping them with their program or a United States Senator or a member of Congress. Because Roosevelt kept majorities, in both of the both of the houses of the Congress. And I'm quite sure, I don't have the numbers here, I'm quite sure he kept a majority of governors during that time, as well. So, and then moving this money into the North, particularly into the urban areas. The Democrats already had political machines, little bit sketchy around the edges, going back for the time that they were the party that would be down at the dock welcoming the immigrants coming into America where the Republicans were not very happy about adding a lot more Americans through immigration. And, so the Democrat political machines, cropped up, through in all the big cities where you had large communities of various types of immigrant Americans, particularly if English was a second language. And so, you know, you had the political machine. You had the ward boss. You were in a ward, and the ward boss would come by and make sure that you were in line for the candidate. And, of course, there would be crookedness, and there would be some some benefit program might have been totally illegal going on going back into the eighteen hundreds. But now with the New Deal, Roosevelt had a real benefit program that he could use to buy votes, in these inner cities, in these ethnic neighborhoods, which is what he did. And then they started voting machines, not electronic, not, not Internet by any means, voting machines, but mechanical voting machines were starting to be used in a lot of these large cities in the North, in the Midwest, out in the Far West, and there are allegations that some of them perhaps were not quite, not quite up to speed in terms of accuracy and the prevention of chicanery, hickey panky. So those things going on connected to what always happens, folks, when you have socialism, when you are taking tax money and force it forcibly removing money from one citizen through taxes and giving it to another citizen. The corruption starts from the get go, every kind of corruption. The corruption of being somebody that's receiving money for not working. The corruption of it being placed in certain areas. The corruption of it guaranteeing a vote. The corruption of, of any several different types. Socialism, first of all, first of all, it isn't misplaced, altruism. First of all, socialism is corruption. That's what it is, and that's what it was during the new deal. So then we had the situation of the IRS because among the other wonderful things Wilson did is he gave us an income tax, but they said, oh, don't worry about that income tax. Boy, you probably never have to even pay it. Rich people are only paying one or 2%. Middle class people, they're not really gonna have to pay this income tax. This is how they sell everything, folks. This is how they always sell everything like this in the government. They tell you, first of all, it's the most wonderful thing in the world, but, oh, by the way, it won't ever affect you, so you don't have to worry about it. And then they make sure that the effects are down the road in another administration with other elected officials who can say, well, I'm not the one that passed the income tax, but, you know, it does really finance a lot of wonderful programs. Anyway, FDR, in his infinite wisdom, as a Fabian socialist tripled the taxes on Americans in the time he was in the White House just during the Depression. I'm not even talking about when we go to war, which is even more expensive. So he's tripling the taxes on the public and that does a couple of things. One, it create it does three things I can think of right off the bat. One, you have people not used to paying a 79% tax rate that are not paying it. Two, you have an IRS that's now got one hell of a budget and a whole bunch of mean guys that are out there looking for tax money. And three, you have, this tax money that is not going into the productive economy. It's going into the government where decisions are being made on a political basis like I just described, And so it's not helping the country either. But, number two and number one is kind of where I'm focusing because under FDR, the IRS became a very, very formidable weapon against his political opponents, and it would be such a weapon for some people that went into the White House from that time forward. It was a weapon used extensively, folks, by John f Kennedy and Bobby Kennedy. They even used it against Nixon after he lost the election to them and graciously did not challenge the election despite the fact that there were ballots floating in the river in Chicago and did not challenge the election despite the fact there's evidence up and down the Rio Grande Valley and up and down the border counties of Texas. A lot of evil thinking wrongdoing was going on around election time, but those boys that worked with Lyndon Johnson down there. Despite that fact, Nixon just went home and didn't challenge the election, but they went after him hammer and tongue. Nonetheless, with the IRS, but beginning with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the IRS is made a very formidable weapon. So we are gonna continue our series on FDR next week. We're gonna talk about FDR and the communists and his administration, FDR and his salvational activities toward the Soviets and the, communist overseas in both Russia and in China. And then we're gonna talk about his creation of the world governmental institutions that we have all around us today. So don't miss it. Hour of decision with Franklin Roosevelt Delano Roosevelt. It continues next week, folks, on Liberty News Radio.