Episode 67 Hour of Decision: FDR: His Socialist New Deal

Speaker 0: Look around you. Wrong rules the land while waiting justice sleeps. I saw in the congress and crossing the country, campaigning with Ron Paul. Tyranny rising, unspeakable evil, manifesting, devils lying about our heritage who want to enslave and replace us. But we are Americans with a manifest destiny to bring the because this is the hour of decision. Speaker 1: Hour of decision with Lou Moore starts now. Welcome to the hour of decision. My name is Lou Moore. This afternoon, we're gonna begin a rather deep exploration into the life and into the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, FDR. Why? Why do this? He is without any doubt, folks, in my opinion, the most important president, at least in the last one hundred years. And, he was without any doubt in my mind, the politician with the greatest skill that arrived on the scene in the last one hundred years. You hear me talk regularly all the time on this show about the bipartisan consensus, one that still existed, I mean, all the way from the end of Roosevelt's, time in office, really, until Donald Trump, and it still exists in the hearts of a lot of Republican senators, I hate to tell you. The bipartisan consensus or also known as the liberal consensus, which is one, that big government is good, and New Deal style programs and the New Deal refers directly folks to Franklin Roosevelt's time in office. The New Deal, style programs at home that solve your problems, that take care of you are good and should be continued, and maybe a few more programs should be added over time. And then secondly, the international world governmental institutions overseas are also good. The UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the World Court, the, WHO, the entire milieu of international governmental institutions all in a a constellation around the United Nations, have been supported heartily by, folks on both sides of the aisle. They may criticize some of the things that happened, like, say, on the the floor of The US or the UN General Assembly. But, the consensus was that this is a good thing. The idea of getting out of the United Nations, as I would like to do, is folks like the John Birch Society plead for us to do and people like Alex Jones plead for us to do for years and years and years, was a very extremist view because the consensus was we need to remain in these institutions. FDR, and so and both of these now both of these elements of this consensus are coming directly from the Roosevelt administration. As you will see, as we unfold that narrative on, this episode and the following episode of hour of decision, FDR formed the Democratic Coalition, as they call it, that still exists in America today. It's in tatters right now. When you look on Chuck Schumer's face, you don't have to, you don't have to be a rocket scientist and know that. But, nonetheless, the coalition, are primarily urban voters and, with the minority voters and other groups attached labor and in more recent times, the environmental movement. I mean, there's been changes since the time of Roosevelt, but the basic core of this coalition was put together by him and still exists to the day to this day. FDR was the savior of communism. You don't hear that one too much, but folks, there is no doubt about that, and that's one of his most important leg elements of his legacy. He recognized the USSR when practically no nation on earth would. We're gonna talk about that in just a minute. Generous amounts of aid under the Lend Lease program to Stalin, which if he hadn't had done that, folks, Russia would have been defeated by Hitler and Germany when they attacked in 1941. And then, he provided an agreement. He made an agreement, FDR did, with Stalin, which which allowed, the Russians to take huge territorial gains, unchallenged by The US in Eastern Europe, and also gave them material and the opportunity to make huge territorial gains in Asia with China, with North Korea, with Mongolia, with Vietnam. And the list goes on and on, and none of these things would have happened without the Alta agreement, without Lend Lease, without our basic recognition, and without the number of communists that existed within the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. So that's another reason that makes his time in the White House so important and worth our study. And and as as we hear now every day, these debates back and forth that are mostly phony political debates about the power of the presidency, about, whether Trump has the right to do this and that, and can he fire anybody he wants, and, you know, he's becoming a dictator and all these things. The the the whole question of the presidency, the powers of the presidency, and what a president can do with those powers, folks, it takes us right back to FDR because he kind of set the pace and set the program that every president since his time has had to deal with, and that certainly includes Trump right now. He made the Fabian socialist, Franklin Roosevelt did the establishment in Washington DC. The establishment was the members, the participants in an informal, but nonetheless, very real Fabian socialist conspiracy in Washington DC. They became the establishment. There was plenty of them in the government and in powerful positions from the time of Woodrow Wilson, but they became the establishment in Washington DC during the administration of FDR. He transformed the federal government. He greatly increased its size, its responsibilities, and its reach in the lives of Americans. And as important as the specific things that Roosevelt did to make the government larger, he changed how the public viewed the role of government and the role of the federal government. He created an expectation in the public that the federal government is here to solve all of our problems, that the federal government has a number of obligations that are actually not enumerated in the constitution of The United States. And so and what that does, folks, and what that has done at least until now. And, of course, again, we're in a pivotal moment which goes right back to the influence of Roosevelt, which is Trump's attempt to take on big government, to take on the Leviathan state head on. Well, folks, what he's taking on is the superstructure that was established by Franklin Delano Roosevelt. So Wilson, president Wilson, who we've talked about several times on this show, Let's get a time frame here. Roosevelt came in office in 1933, and he was in office until he passed away in 1945. Wilson was in office, from 1913 until 1921. But Wilson was the first to move the Fabian project forward with the creation of the Federal Reserve Bank. And, you know, Roosevelt never could have done what he did without Wilson. He never could have, grown the government as large as he did, accumulated the huge amount of government debt that he accumulated if we did not have the Federal Reserve Bank to float this debt. And then, of course, the other big, big ticket item from the Wilson administration that we've talked about recently on this show is the institution of the income tax. The income tax and the Federal Reserve, that combination is what has allowed for a tremendous growth in the size of government. And the pattern a pattern emerged, and I've also just talked about recently, is that, after the Republicans come in, in other words, Wilson was in power. He did all these things. He got us into a war. He got us into debt. He created a central bank run by a bunch of private bankers. He created the income tax. He did all these things. He he tried to get us into a world government institution, the League of Nations. He did all these things. But, then when he, left office and the Democrats were repudiated and the Republicans came back in and, Warren g Harding, the Republican that won the election, the president after Wilson in 1920, signaled and stated that there was going to be a return to normalcy. Not all these weird things going on in this country, Not all these weird ideas coming, a lot of them, from foreigners overseas, all these socialist ideas that we were gonna return to normalcy. But in fact, as I've showed you folks, if you go back to my episode on, big government, the Republicans don't roll back significant elements or the majority of the growth of the government that occurs under the activist Democrat. So you have Wilson who, who did the the things I just mentioned, the Federal Reserve, the income tax. He did a lot of other things too. The Clayton Antitrust Act, we could go down the list, won't do it because of a lack of time here. We wanna talk about Roosevelt. But in the twenties, yes, the socialists were out of power, and, yes, they all retreated to the university to write and to influence the youth of America of that day, which they did. The Republicans did not roll back this, activist program that Wilson undertook. So when Roosevelt came in in 1933, he had a platform to make the government a whole lot bigger and to make the establishment of world government a lot closer to a reality. That's what happened. So Franklin Roosevelt, was from a prominent family and was a distant relative, not a close relative, but a distant relative of Teddy Roosevelt who, as we talked about last week, played a key role in getting Wilson, the activist Fabian socialist Democrat into the White House. But anyway so, there is a family familial connection, but it is not a close one. So FDR, in the nineteen twenties contracted polio, And, he had been a very vigorous man before that. He'd been the secretary of the navy in the Wilson administration. Huge fan of Woodrow Wilson. Huge fan. But because of contracting polio, he spent his entire presidency, as I said, which began in 1933. He began he, was in the entire the entire time he was in the White House. Excuse me. The entire time he was in the White House, he was in a wheelchair, but the public and overwhelming majority of them didn't know that because there was no television and because there was not a lot of transparency from the news media, which not much different from the news media under Obama, the news media under Biden, the news media under JFK, which we talked about at some length in those episodes. They were also playing ball with Roosevelt. So they always had shots of him looking so vigorous. And also to Roosevelt's credit, I will say this, he fought and fought and fought until he was finally able, despite the fact he was crippled, to stand up at a podium. He had the amazing ability, that he had, created by his own hard work and effort to get up out of that wheelchair to stand up at a podium so he could make a speech standing up at a podium, which also led people to believe it. Well, he's not, you know, that he did not have the infirmity that in fact did dog him and, that made him suffer the entire time he was in the White House. He became the governor of New York on a reform ticket and had a lot of progressives, quote, unquote, around him. But that, you know, the progressivism was the rage. Now this is in the twenties. It's becoming not so much the rage with the GOP, but there's still plenty of, quote, unquote, progressives in the GOP, but a whole bunch now in the Democrats. But there was a huge upheaval in the Democrat party between, between the bigger government progressives, the ones that want a more activist government, and the other type of Democrat. And when I've talked about earlier, the free market Democrat, which basically was the Democratic Party. It was the quintessential Democrat until the beginning of the progressive movement. And the free market Democrats or gold Democrats as they were frequently called, did not just go away. They didn't just go away. They, and they fought it out with the progressives and, you know, they had a convention in the twenties. I think it was 1924. I mean, it's the record for how many ballots it took to even get a nominee. They were so divided. And the fact that the public was sick of what some of the stuff, Wilson did, but the the fact that the Democrats were so divided in the nineteen twenties was also a reason that they, were defeated in presidential politics and were still so weak as a party around the country. But that, in fact, is one of the elements of this story and what Roosevelt did to transform the Democrat party. The leader of the free market Democrats, was the 1928 nominee of the party, the fellow who has a famous political dinner named after him that you hear about every year, Al Smith. Al Smith was, the 1928 Democrat nominee for president and the last, free market Democrat to have any real national prominence in the party. So Roosevelt had to kind of deal with Smith. He was right there in New York. He kinda had to tiptoe around the Smith people. Then in the meantime, Roosevelt building a power base, very ambitious, knowing for a long time that he wanted to run for president of The United States. He built a network around him of both socialist and establishment types behind the scenes. He had you know, this this, narrative that I've seen over and over again that, oh, FDR, he was a traitor to his class. He was just for the working people. The rich people hated him. Folks, there were rich people that hated him, but no connected rich person to the powers that be hated Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and many of them absolutely loved him for what he did for that cause. And so there was nothing but wealthy people around FDR. And, so as the, his opportunity to run for president approached in 1932, depression hit. Stock market crashed in 1929, followed by full blown worldwide depression in 1930. And as this depression worsened, and Herbert Hoover was unable to deal with the depression. And in fact, a story you also probably don't hear very often is that Herbert Hoover tried to use a lot of socialist light and socialist type of methods to stave off the depression. He is the one who started using the federal government in an aggressive way to deal with unemployment, to deal with, problems in, excuse me, in the financial sector and to try to, solve the problem of the depression, but he was a failure and not a good conservative Republican as he was failing. So his failure, ongoing failure, gave FDR the absolute knowledge that, he was going to have a chance, not just to beat Hoover, not just a chance to become the president of The United States, but to become a person who could transform America, which ladies and gentlemen, Franklin Delano Roosevelt did exactly that. He transformed America. That's why the, editor of the San of the, Saturday Evening Post, Garrett Garrett, he was the, editor of which that was the most popular magazine in America in the 1930s, had the largest circulation of any magazine in an era where magazines were a big deal. He wrote a essay called The Revolution Was, telling his readers that if you're worried with all these new programs from Franklin Delano Roosevelt, that someday there might actually even be a revolution in this country, that it was too late. You were looking in the wrong direction. The revolution had already happened in the first one hundred days of the administration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. So among his original financial backers was colonel Edward Mandel House, the alter ego of Woodrow Wilson, the man who, started the Council on Foreign Relations after the failure of getting The US into the League of Nations. The man that wrote Philip Drew, administrator, the book that, has a hero who conceived of social who want who wanted to enact socialism as conceived of by Karl Marx, which is what, House stated clearly in the book. And he was a real figure, very tight with big business, very tight with, the financial houses in both The United States and Europe, and also pretty openly a Fabian socialist who wanted someone who wanted to gradually, but drastically over time, change the system of government here in The United States to total government. He was one of his first backers. So was Joseph p Kennedy. Joseph p Kennedy, we talked about in earlier episodes. That's the father of the Kennedy boys, of JFK, RFK, and of Teddy Kennedy. JFK was also an original donor to FDR. Harry Warner of the Warner Brothers Studios, one of the Jewish individuals who consolidated the, Hollywood studios, terrorism going on in that process. Won't get into all that. There were a few bombs going off there, but became very wealthy as one of the major, studios and major figures in the movie industry, the growing movie industry, in Hollywood. The biggest operator behind the scenes for Franklin Roosevelt, though was a man another man of Jewish extraction, I will say, by the name of Bernard Baruch. Baruch also played a very significant role in the Wilson administration. We'll talk about that in a minute. A man who stated and admitted, when they were talking about, Franklin Roosevelt saying he's gonna go after these speculators on Wall Street, but he's gonna really get those people. He admitted that he himself was at the heart of Wall Street speculation, which indeed, Bernard Baruch was. So to avoid, a party split, and tangling with the Al Smith forces, at the Democratic convention in 1932, this is FDR now making his move to the White House. He ran on a small government platform. Unbelievable. He really did. He said we need to balance the budget. If we're gonna get out of the depression, we gotta stop all this reckless spending, and we need to balance a budget. Of course, this is exactly what he did not do once he got into the White House. But this was evidence, and the first real evidence on the national stage, how how, excuse me, how adroit a politician, how slippery of a politician, how skilled a politician FDR actually was. And we are gonna continue on the second half of our decision to discuss the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. But first, I'm gonna tell you something, folks. If you're not going to secure vote.news every week on the web, you are not getting the latest information about election integrity and election integrity adjacent programs around America and organizations around America. So join us here at SecureVote.news, and we'll be right back. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore, and we've been talking about Franklin Delano Roosevelt, FDR, and his huge significance in terms of the kind of America that we've all grown up in and in terms of the Titanic battle going on today in Washington, DC, over the issue of big government and over many issues, actually, all of which have their origin in the New Deal or in the administrations of Franklin Delano Roosevelt from 1933 through 1945. So one of the things I mentioned have mentioned several times is that progressivism as it became more and more, a part of American life and actually became more and more important in both of our political parties, it blurred distinctions between the parties. When you have progressives that are Democrats, progressives that are republicans. I mean, a good example is the election of nineteen twelve that we just talked about last week where Teddy Roosevelt is going around and saying, oh, boy. All those rich people, they were terrible. We gotta have more regulations on all these malefactors of wealth and like that. And and, Woodrow Wilson is going around talking about exactly the same thing. And and, tapped with somewhere in there. Anyway, it blurred the distinctions between the parties, but FDR took this blurring further. I mean, first of all, he was very adroit, as I said in the first half of the show. He was able to get the small government democrats to support him, and we haven't even talked about that this yet. He he was able to get both the blacks in the cities and the KKK in the South, the remnants of it, to support him. Haven't mentioned that one yet. But, but Roosevelt took this blurring of distinctions, in his own message. He took it much further in the way he depicted his own message. He can cultivated a new kind of political communication, with this new message, with this new deal, which, he was conveying over a new medium, that of radio. I mean, it's not brand new, but, it was relatively new at that time. And FDR and and what I mean by this, how he communicated differently, he communicated with his audience in a personal way. He did not give a political speech, much less a partisan barn burner political speech when he took to the airways, which he did basically every week in his fireside chats. He talked like he was talking to a friend. Like, you you were his friend. Now a lot of Americans didn't buy that. A lot of Americans that no matter how popular he was at any one time, a lot of Americans were voting against him opposed to what he was doing. But millions of Americans really like this. I mean, there's no other way to say it. Even though, Arthur Krock in a pretty famous article he did in the, New York Times somewhere in the thirties, writing about Roosevelt, writing about a specific fireside chat where, yeah, essentially Roosevelt is taking the person all over here and then around over there and, oh, my friend, and this and that. And, Crock said, as you got toward the end of it, you realized that you didn't have a clue where Roosevelt stood on any of the issues he discussed and leaving the listener a, you know, educated listener, a careful listener to wonder why he gave the message at all. But that's how Roosevelt rolled, but a lot of people liked it. So, he came into office, with a banking system teetering. Our banking system runs on confidence, and there wasn't any confidence out there in America that, things could go on much longer. They had already been going from the time of the crash in '29, a couple of years of true misery, of high unemployment, over 22% unemployment in January 1933. So Roosevelt embarked upon what he called his New Deal. And I'm gonna I've got I'm, I got a book up in front of the camera here for those of you who are only listening. This is a book called A New Deal written before Roosevelt took office by a man named Stuart Chase. And Stuart Chase is one of these real interesting guys. He's kinda like Colonel House. There's other figures like this. When any big deal thing is happening with our establishment, Stuart Chase is right there. He's right there on the scene. And, this is very true with the beginnings of the new deal, and he this is no accident. I mean, this is his book. It's very radical. I'm gonna read out of it in just a second and tell you how radical it is. But it's no accident, that this was the term Roosevelt picked up a new deal, picked up for his program because, he had this really smart group around him called the Brain Trust, and they had kind of a scribe informally when they'd meet, and coming up with all their great ideas for America. And that scribe was Stuart Chase. He was right there at on the ground floor, big time, very influential with the new deal. So let's just get an idea of how Stuart Chase, thinks. Revolution. This is from Stuart Chase's book, a new deal. From many points of view, I sympathize with the first, the direct, and the single-minded attack. I believe it to have been necessary and inevitable in Russia. It may someday be inevitable in this country. I am not seriously alarmed by the sufferings of the creditor class, the troubles which the church is bound to encounter, the restrictions on certain kinds of freedom which must result, or even by the bloodshed of the transition period. A better economic order is worth a little bloodshed. So that's out of the book, a new deal by Stuart Chase. Now Stuart Chase was a Fabian. And if you read the entire book, that's very clear. It's very clear to him that he wants a more gradual type of system that involves a ruling class and involves the creditor class in a process that centralizes everything and put until you get total government in a slower process a slower process than Russia undertook under the Bolsheviks. But nonetheless, like the Fabians who wrote about this, like George Bernard Shaw, like, Sydney Webb, like others, who have written about, the Fabians versus the Bolsheviks because these are the two kind of, the two major groups promoting Marxism. Marxism is a practical, you know, practically applied in government. They're always very friendly, not just to the communist, but to the communist approach. They just see that they have a different approach that is more applicable to, white, Western European, and, societies in Australia, New Zealand, The US, Canada, etcetera. Now that was the target audience of the Fabians, but they were perfectly fine with a bloody revolution somewhere else. So this is the fellow that Roosevelt names his program after. And, indeed, he had gathered around him a group of committed socialists and, more importantly, social planners. These people were really into planning everything to make it all better for you. And, one of them was Frances Perkins, who Roosevelt brought from the governor's office. She had been in his cabinet there. He put her in charge of labor. Harold Ickes, who was, very big on public works and building a whole lot of stuff, whether we needed it or not, to get people employed. Henry Wallace, who later became Roosevelt's vice president, who was later deposed from his position as vice president by the Democrat political establishment. I talk about this in my Truman episode, because, that's how we got Truman. Because because Wallace was off the Richter scale to the left and made, more established Democrats really, really nervous as Roosevelt got more ill in the early nineteen forties. But Wallace, in the beginning was, the head of agriculture. A lot of real radical folks coming out of agriculture and out of the agriculture department and weirdly out of the state of Iowa, which includes Henry, Wallace, also includes another fellow by the name of Harry Hopkins, who before long is going to be Roosevelt's alter ego much as Colonel House, Colonel Edwin Mandel House was described as Wilson's alter ego when Wilson was in the White House. Harry Hopkins moves into the White House. We're gonna talk more about him next week when we continue this foray through, the Roosevelt administration. But anyway, he starts out in agriculture for Roosevelt and handing out money. He's really good at handing out money. He really likes doing that. He likes handing out your money, or he did if you or a taxpayer back in that time. And then there was Rexford Tugwell, who at one time was a small business guy, but became, became an academic, became extremely enamored with social planning and a planned economy where everything is planned by the smart people at the top, you know, the ultimate the ultimate of the progressive ideal. Experts running everything. Experts who are smarter than you, who need to have a lot of government power to, to execute their great ideas. In fact, I will say that Stuart Chase and Rexford Tugwell, when before they got in power in the nineteen twenties, went to The Soviet Union on kind of a field trip on a observation trip. It wasn't a codel. It wasn't a congressional delegation trip because they weren't in power. They weren't either one of them office holders, but they went to check on all, the Soviets and check on their five year plan for agriculture, and Rexford Tugwell was just thrilled to buy it, just thrilled as was Stuart Chase. So these these characters, I'll tell you. Anyway, so Roosevelt launches his new deal with revolutionary intentions from the beginning. What you've been told in the public school is a lie, folks. Roosevelt wasn't some guy who want to save the capitalist system and was just kind of experimenting around with a bunch of romantic figures who were all about experimenting to coming up with a program with work that that worked. And by the way, I'll just say this right now. The depression was the emergency. The emergency, you know, there's crisis, and crisis brings on Leviathan. As I've mentioned to you in other episodes, the depression was a crisis, but the depression we never got out of the depression under Franklin Delano Roosevelt and still until he started building bombers and building a ton of military, material, for World War two. That's how we got out of the depression. It had nothing to do with any of the happiness that these I mean, I'm about to talk about that these people were doing. So Roosevelt launched his New Deal, and Roosevelt was very smart and very smart people around him and knew one thing for dang sure. Personnel is policy. You may have heard that phrase before. Personnel is policy, and that's usually almost always applied to the bureaucracy in Washington DC. You gotta get as many of those people on your side as humanly possible. You have to install as many of those people in important positions as humanly possible if you wanna execute your program in Washington DC. And that's, Roosevelt was ruthless about rooting out people who he could root out who were didn't have the civil service protection, and replacing them with loyalists to him. Rexford Tugbelle in his book talks about going around some department and realize there was a bunch of, and he just mentioned this, Mormon Mormon secretaries. Oh my god. They gotta get rid of these people. They probably voted for Hoover, and he did. He got rid of them. So, and then there's a there's a and so Roosevelt knew he was also he had this opportunity, and he knew that this opportunity that the great depression gave him could build a political system that that could be permanent. So it was important to get the right people around him and all through the government. But, the realization that Roosevelt had, came from Now some people say it came from James Farley. This other phrase it's used all the time. There's personnel as policy. And then this next phrase I'm gonna give you, it came either from Farley who was Roosevelt's campaign manager and then later his postmaster, or from Harry Hopkins, who became his alter ego, as I just said. But that phrase is this, tax and tax, spend and spend, elect and elect. In other words, you tax the people in the society you want to tax and take their money away from them, and you give their money to the people in society that you want to have received those funds. And you will just keep electing and electing people because particularly, because many people very quickly realize that for the first time, they could literally vote directly to put government money in their pocket. And that's, that's the bottom line of tax and tax, spend and spend, elect and elect because you make sure you put enough money and enough people's pockets that you keep getting reelected. So Roosevelt also installed a Federal Reserve chair. You know, the Federal Reserve can be kind of, hinky. They could be raising rates. They could be doing things to interfere with this great program. But he put a very improbable banker from Utah in his his federal reserve chair by the name of Mariner s Echols. And Echols is constant repeating refrain to the brain trusters around, Roosevelt and to Stuart Chase, who he seemed to really like and have lunch with all the time, is that they needed to spend more money. Yeah. You're talking about spending 5,000,000? You gotta spend 25,000,000. You gotta spend a lot of money and create a lot of debt. Echols was a true blue one hundred percent Keynesian. And I've talked about Cajun economics in previous episodes of our of decision. Cajun economics, comes from John Maynard Keynes, a Fabian socialist from Britain, who believed that priming the pump priming the pump with deficit spending was the way to prosperity, and it is the way to increasingly centralize your system and give government the resources it needs to become total government. I mean, that's a fact. That part's a fact. Early on, Roosevelt flexed his muscles. He indicated early on. I mean, both, that he was a slippery politician, but he also indicated he was all business because he confiscated all the gold in The United States in 1933. If you owned any gold, you had to cough it up to the federal government. They would come after you. They would come for you. They wanted your gold. And, they traded it for its dollar value worth at that moment. But so like the old adage of building a government big enough to give you everything you want, early on as they were starting to build this big government edifice that was originally called the New Deal, they were also more than willing to take everything you have with the powers accruing to this bigger and bigger government. So there was a whole raft of new regulations under the, Roosevelt administration on Wall Street and on everyone in business in America. There was the, National Industrial Recovery Act, NEERA, which gave, huge powers to the labor unions, which did not have huge powers in America up until then, collective bargaining rights, rights, rights over the rights of the business people they were dealing with, a huge public works program. The the idea that the Marxists, the socialists, they love these public works, taking money from you or printing it and building huge projects. And now these huge projects could be the greatest thing in the world. Hoover Dam can be the greatest thing in the world, but it's it all depends on how smart, the planners are that plan to build these big projects. And often these planners do not really have a handle on what the market needs, but they suck a huge amount of money out of the market to build these big projects. So this is what was going on right away in the New Deal. And, and of course that would cause caused by massive government spending. So then there was the Blue Eagle. There was the National Recovery Administration, and, it had a logo, the Blue Eagle, and more than a whiff of fascism about it because what what did the did they do at the National Recovery, Administration? Let me tell you, if I have time to read this before I run out of time today, this is from Amity Shales, her book The Forgotten Man, very very good book. The authority of the NRA range widely, and the new deal the new dealers were hoping to use it in original ways. They, for example, had very specific codes, to the point of stating exactly what ingredients had to be in macaroni, what Taylor's could and could not sow, it had in there in the poultry industry, barring consumers from picking up their own chickens. The idea was to increase efficiency. And, of course, all of the prices all of the prices and the transactions in America were controlled at this moment by the federal government, by Franklin Delano Roosevelt. NRA rules were very specific in this area. The idea was to increase efficiency, and if smaller businesses died out, that might just be for the best anyhow. So folks, we're gonna continue. I'm gonna continue talking a little bit more about the Blue Eagle and about the NRA, about communists in the New Deal, about Roosevelt, the savior of communism, and why I said that at the open of this show. We're gonna start we're gonna cover all those things. I hope we can get through all of those things next week. My name is Lou Moore, and you have been listening to the hour of decision on Liberty News Radio. And let me tell you right now, folks, I got a book called forerunner, the unlikely role of Ron Paul, and you need to read that book if you want to really understand the politics going on right now with Donald Trump, the politics of populism, the politics of elite capture, and of elites who are now on the run on the run. Very important. And you can, you can buy that book at lumoore.com, 14 90 5 19 90 five. I will autograph it. Shipping is free. Give it a shot. The unlikely role of Ron Paul. Again, my name is Lou Moore, and you've been listening to Hour of Decision. We'll talk to you next week. See you later.