Lyndon Johnson appeared to be an extremely confident President in 1964, particularly after the triumphal passage of the Civil Rights Act of that year. In reality, LBJ was torn by doubts. He feared the psyop that nearly deified JFK would allow Bobby Kennedy to cause a rebellion and overtake Johnson at the Democrat convention, or at minimum force him to add RFK to the ticket. He also worried about a White backlash throughout the country that could suddenly boost the populist-nationalist campaign of Barry Goldwater, which was already poised to take the Southern vote away from the Democrats.
After LBJ won a landslide victory in the “64 general election he was clear that it was not a mandate, but only a “loophole” provided by the public’s reaction to JFK’s assassination and the colossal smear campaign against Goldwater. He would only have a few months to pass major legislation to greatly increase the size and reach of the federal government, which would also change American society permanently.
You can watch this episode on Rumble at the NewsForAmerica channel.
[00:00:25] Have the Men of the West Lost The Will To Live? It's midnight in America and this is the Hour of Decision.
[00:00:42] Hour of Decision with Lou Moore starts now. Do we, the men of the West, have the will to live? The men of the West in Europe are being put to the test as we speak, folks.
[00:01:10] Don't think that burning buildings, burning monuments to the greatest civilization that has ever been on the Earth, don't think that can't come to this country. It is midnight in America and this is the Hour of Decision.
[00:01:32] My name is Lou Moore and this is a show where we spend a lot of time talking about the presidents of the United States who have served under an overarching Fabian socialist conspiracy with the goals of creating a total government in the United States
[00:01:56] and a world government worldwide, a total government worldwide, including total government in the United States. We've been talking about Lyndon Johnson. This is our fifth LBJ episode. We've talked about the origins of Lyndon Johnson and his humble origins in South Texas,
[00:02:23] his rise as a Democrat political operative, very involved with vote fraud, very involved with manipulating others, very calculated moves by Lyndon Johnson, one after another, that saw him rise to the level of a chief chief of staff or congressman.
[00:02:48] The head administrator, state administrator for a New Deal program, the youngest administrator in the country, the National Youth Administration. He then served as a congressman in Texas, catching the eye for sure. By this time he already had really. But by this time, catching the eye of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the master Fabian himself,
[00:03:15] causing Johnson to move up closer and closer to the center of power in this country and in this world. He then rigged an election to become a United States senator and then became the minority leader. He wasn't even out of his first term in the Senate, folks, in it in a group and an organization.
[00:03:44] The United States Senate built on seniority. He became the leader of the Democrat caucus in his first term, halfway through his first term because of the way Johnson sucked up. He then became the leader of the Democrat caucus in his first term, the Democrat caucus in the United States Senate.
[00:04:04] He then became the majority leader when the Democrats again achieved the majority as Dwight Eisenhower was sabotaging his own party. And the Democrats rolled up larger and larger majorities, even while Eisenhower was in office to where there were 64 Democrat senators in the United States Senate under the leadership of Lyndon Johnson. At the time that he then ran with John F. Kennedy.
[00:04:35] As vice president on the Democrat ticket in 1960 against Richard Milhouse Nixon. That election also likely rigged, including and especially because of Johnson's intervention in South Texas, where a endemic voter fraud, cultural level voter fraud.
[00:05:00] It was continuing to be encouraged by operatives of Lyndon Johnson, the same people, some of the same people who helped him steal a U.S. Senate race in 1948 were involved with stealing the White House. By achieving a victory in Texas, along with another vote fraud aspect in Illinois, created by the mob by Sam Giancana.
[00:05:30] Allowing Kennedy to become president and Lyndon to be vice president in 1960. But Johnson was an unhappy vice president. He tried to grab for some more power as vice president, tried to move his office into the White House, tried to take over general supervision of foreign policy and our defense policy. Things that Kennedy's just laughed at.
[00:05:55] And by 1963, it said that Lyndon Johnson had less than two hours of face time with President John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Meantime, scandals involving JFK's sex life, specifically with an East German spy, a communist spy by the name of Ellen Romich, who Bobby Kennedy had to whisk out of the country.
[00:06:23] And he was probably saved. Kennedy was probably saved on this one because so many senators, as well as Kennedy, had slept with this woman. And Bobby Kennedy was smart enough to get J. Edgar Hoover and the majority and minority leaders of the Senate in a room with J. Edgar Hoover. And then they agreed to just ship her out. And that's as far as that particular scandal went.
[00:06:52] But Kennedy continued to work at getting Johnson removed from the vice presidency. And on a day where very key testimony was presented to Republican and Democrat investigators in the Senate, on that day, John F. Kennedy was shot in Dallas, Texas.
[00:07:16] And Lyndon Johnson, who hated the Kennedys, who was hated by the Kennedys, who was racing in his own way to beat the Kennedys in terms of whose scandals would cause who to lose power, it's pretty clear who won that. How big a role Johnson had in the assassination, we don't exactly know.
[00:07:44] But there's been more than a little bit of evidence that he might have had some hand in it. We talk about this in previous episodes. So Lyndon Johnson becomes president of the United States, but he becomes president of the United States, folks, in an era where there is pent-up demand pushing the electorate to the right.
[00:08:11] Not an era where people wanted a huge expanse of government programs, a hugely expanding federal government, wholesale and huge changes in our society. That is not what the average voter was looking for in 1963. And John F. Kennedy very well knew this. He had a meeting with his political advisor just nine days
[00:08:40] before he was assassinated, where they determined that despite the efforts to begin large wholesale poverty programs, despite the entreaties of many of the people on the left and of our global masters, for Kennedy to fight for a whole new wave of government centralization and governmental programs to be the next version of the New Deal,
[00:09:07] Kennedy had made a decision to tack to the right. He agreed on a program of peace and prosperity that would not emphasize the new hot thing on the left, which was fighting poverty. Some of that was because of a very popular book that was out at that time called The Other America
[00:09:30] that purported to show the terrible poverty that millions of Americans of various colors were suffering under, and the fact that the federal government must spend a lot more money and take a lot more power unto itself to solve this problem of poverty. And even Robert Kennedy treated JFK and suggested that he make some kind of move in this direction. But Kennedy was very,
[00:10:00] John F. Kennedy was very concerned about his falling poll numbers, about the war in Vietnam and the direction that was heading, about a receding economy, and about the fact that the civil rights movement was pressuring Kennedy to pass a bill that would certainly end
[00:10:26] the Democrat control of what was called the Solid South, all the states of the old Confederacy, a big block of electoral votes that Democrats had counted on election after election after election. And at the time, I don't believe Kennedy, or Johnson even, could picture a Democrat victory without a good number, at least, if not all of the votes from the South.
[00:10:55] So Kennedy had agreed to tack to the right, which was exactly not what our corporate masters wanted to have happen. But when Kennedy was shot, when he was assassinated, when Lyndon Johnson took the helm of the White House, there began a psychological operation unlike any scene to date in the world because of the centralization of media and because of the determination of our corporate masters
[00:11:25] to have another wave of big government programs, which Kennedy had promised with his new frontier, but he had not delivered on. And Lyndon Johnson, supposed to be the maestro, the master of the Senate, where most of these types of legislation got bogged down, did not come to Kennedy's aid and did not use a lot of his political skill
[00:11:54] or political muscle or chits that he had acquired over the years to help Kennedy with any big-ticket government programs. So Kennedy failed. Kennedy was removed. Johnson became president. And without any doubt, there was an understanding that he would move as quickly as possible
[00:12:23] to bring about another wave of government centralization, of government spending, of government taking power, of changes in our culture, changes in our society, to rival or to eclipse what Franklin Delano Roosevelt did during the New Deal. So Johnson becomes president, but Johnson understands the same thing that Kennedy understood,
[00:12:52] that there had been pent-up demand on the right. It manifested after World War II with the anti-communist and anti-union movements. It was stalled by Truman's surprise win in 1948 in the weak liberal Republican showing against Truman. It was hijacked in 1952 when Robert Taft
[00:13:21] was on his way to the White House in a year that the Republicans were sure to win when Harry Truman and the Democrats were polling in the 20s. But it was hijacked by Dwight David Eisenhower, whose mandate was not to expand the government greatly, he did expand it, but to protect the gains that occurred under Franklin Roosevelt. So the right was thwarted, thwarted in 1948,
[00:13:50] thwarted in 52, and in 56 by Eisenhower. The Republican Party to a degree dismantled by Eisenhower. Huge congressional majorities now in the House and the Senate for the Democrats. But we come to 1960, and there is still really a great conservative mood in a lot of the parts of this country. And Richard Nixon gave Kennedy a fight that many people did not believe could occur
[00:14:21] and arguably won the election. We won't know that for sure, but it was the closest race to date in the popular vote and only by the tip over of Illinois into the Democrat column and the tip over of Texas into the Democrat column, and both very suspicious vote totals, folks, to say the least. Kennedy won. But then his, as I said,
[00:14:51] his program stalled. Kennedy was removed. Johnson's now in place. And immediately, he's gravitating to people like Walter Ruther to begin developing what's going to be known as the Great Society programs. And then he gave a speech, as I said in the last episode in Michigan, in the state, in Walter Ruther State of Michigan,
[00:15:22] outlining this Great Society, taking this concept and the name from a Fabian socialist work of the early 20th century written by a man by the name of Graham Wallace, just as Franklin Roosevelt took his program from a book written by a man named Stuart Chase, A New Deal. In that case, in this case, The Great Society, the name of the book by Graham Wallace. Johnson knew
[00:15:51] that he was swimming against an undercurrent moving to the right. And so, there was a tremendous psychological up that occurred during this time, idolizing John F. Kennedy over and over repeatedly to an extreme fashion, while they also vilified at every turn, at every moment on the three major television networks that provided news to most
[00:16:21] Americans in the newspapers that were now almost uniformly liberal, not like in the 50s where there were pro-Joe McCarthy newspapers even by 1960, by 1964, excuse me, that had pretty much ended, and the radio networks were the other element of news consumption, also, all tilting to the left, only four of them, four networks on radio, three on television,
[00:16:51] the wire services providing the newspapers, all slanted, all globalists, all slanted against, in the most extreme fashion, Barry Goldwater, saying he was crazy, saying he shouldn't be anywhere near the nuclear button, saying he was a hate-monger and a bigot because he voted against the first signature piece of legislation that Lyndon Johnson passed in 1964, the Civil Rights Act.
[00:17:21] One of the biggest pieces of legislation he passed, and the biggest one he passed before he actually won election in his own right. Goldwater voted against that legislation, legislation, but Johnson worried. He knew that there was an undercurrent, particularly in white America, which is still overwhelmingly the majority, not 50%, not 55%, much more like 80% to 85%
[00:17:50] of the populace, there was a huge undercurrent to the right. They did not like what was happening with civil rights, and particularly did not like riots that they were seeing on their televisions in New York, in other leading cities of America in 1964. So Johnson worried about the term they used at that time, backlash, white backlash.
[00:18:20] Johnson knew the potency of that potentially. Despite the fact that the smear campaign was working against cold water, and Johnson was actually polling in the 70s as the election approached in 1964. But as I said, Johnson worried. He worried about something that might happen in terms of the racial relations to trigger a reversal of this great support that he was
[00:18:50] receiving. He worried about a whole other element, a whole other area of things. He worried about the Kennedys. As Tip O'Neill said, as I talked about in one of my Kennedy episodes, the Kennedys were their own political party. Yes, indeed. They flew under the colors of the Democrats, but the Kennedys were the Kennedys. They had people all over the country. An example, California. The most powerful Democrat in California was the
[00:19:20] Speaker of the House. His name was Big Daddy, Jesse Unruh. He was the man at the Statehouse in California, even though there was another man who was Democrat Governor Pat Brown, Jerry Brown's dad. Big Daddy Unruh was the man, and he was a Kennedy man all the way. Who was the boss of Chicago? The most powerful machine politician in America, Richard Daley. Richard Daley was a Kennedy man all the way,
[00:19:50] all the way, which is one of the reasons Kennedy was able to steal, in my opinion, the election in 1960. There was a lot of underground undercurrent. There was a backlash undercurrent that Johnson worried about as he was moving on civil rights and foreclosing on receiving electoral votes from the South with the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964. But there was also an undercurrent for the Kennedys,
[00:20:20] and Bobby Kennedy out to get Johnson, still out to get him. A hatred, nothing but hatred, between Bobby Kennedy, the hammer, the knife of the Kennedy family and Lyndon Baines Johnson. And there was an effort behind the scenes to put Bobby's name in as vice president, and Johnson actually believed there could be a plot as we were getting up to the convention in August of 1964.
[00:20:50] He actually believed there could be a plot to sweep the convention for Kennedy. He was very insecure about the love for the Kennedys. They built them up, this psychological op that Johnson used to pass the Civil Rights Bill, to pass the Equal Opportunities Bill, the Economic Opportunity Bill. We're going to be talking about that more probably in this episode and all of the portent of that.
[00:21:22] And despite Johnson's pronouncement of a great society and slowly pivoting, he had to lay low because they were building Kennedy up for his benefit. But it made Johnson very, very nervous that Bobby Kennedy was on the scene. And there was also a racial problem in Mississippi with the Mississippi delegates to the 1964 convention, the first big explosion
[00:21:52] between the Civil Rights Movement and the traditional Southern Democrats that manifested at a national convention. There was a whole delegation of Mississippi Black Democrats that wanted to be seated, even though they had not gone through the regular Democrat process as all the white Mississippi delegates did. And there was proving that there was a rumor going to be a huge floor fight, all this stuff
[00:22:22] being on national TV, all the TV slanted toward the blacks. But again, Johnson doesn't quite know how to live in a world where he's got to kiss off all of the Southern vote. And even though he's already in the, at least in the high 60s against Goldwater, they're pounding Goldwater, who had a convention that caused a lot of animosity and a whole never Goldwater movement coming out of the Republicans led by Nelson Rockefeller.
[00:22:51] And there was a raucous convention and Rockefeller was booed off the stage. Goldwater said, extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. All these things happened at the convention that happened in July in San Francisco, the Republican convention. All these things redound to Johnson's benefit, but he's still worried. He is still worried that these things may come back to bite him. I'm sure he's still worried about the scandals that are
[00:23:21] in the background of his life. There was a book out, I'm showing it now, for those of you looking at me on Rumble, A Texan Looks at Lyndon, A Study in Illegitimate Power. This book, millions, millions, folks, of copies of this book were distributed all across the nation mainly by the John Birch Society, but as part of the Go Water campaign
[00:23:50] in 1964, and this book is full of information about Johnson's issues with Bobby Baker, Little Linden as they called him, who was now immersed in scandal, and Billy Celestis, who was by this time immersed in scandal as well. So Johnson worried about that. He worried about the explosive racial relations in the country. He worried about the Kennedys. He's full of forebodings
[00:24:19] even though he has been the benefit of this huge psychological operation that has completely turned the country now into wanting to fulfill the mission of John F. Kennedy for bigger and bigger government. You are listening to Hour of Decision on Liberty News Radio. My name is Lou Moore and I will return to continue the saga of Lyndon Baines Johnson right after the news.
[00:24:55] Second half of the Hour of Decision with Lou Moore starts right now. Welcome back to Hour of Decision. My name is Lou Moore. We're talking about Lyndon Baines Johnson talking about his forebodings and a loophole
[00:25:24] rather than a mandate talking about what we're going to hear about in a moment which is his triumphal election and his cavalcade of new programs 200 pieces of legislation passed in the Johnson presidency. But I talked about the Goldwater rule in a previous episode I alluded to it in this episode already about saying Goldwater
[00:25:54] was crazy. They'd get psychologists on the television and say, Goldwater, he's crazy. I could just tell. I could just look at him and tell you that. Listen to his voice. I saw his mannerisms. He's out of his mind. And, you know, professionals in the psychiatric field are not allowed to do that anymore. It's called the Goldwater rule because they didn't actually sit down with him. They don't know his whole history. They don't know the whole story. It was just propaganda. They were using psychiatry interests as political props
[00:26:24] during this campaign, during this psyop that was going on against the right during the 1964 campaign. And historians like to do this too. Some of them are. They really get into the psychology. And now I'm going to tell you, I'm going to do exactly the same thing with Lyndon Johnson. I can't help it, folks. Because I'm going to tell you something. What have we recounted already about Lyndon Johnson? He stole the
[00:26:53] first election he won in his student body office. As a Democrat operative, he was involved in bribing people to vote for the Democrat candidate Maury Maverick. I use that example that Robert Caro has in his book. The $5 bills piled on the table he's handing out to these people to bribe them to vote Democrat. He, you know, I'm sure he cut all kinds of corners to
[00:27:23] become an administrator for the National Youth Administration and then to become a congressman. He stole the election in 1948 to become a United States senator. And meanwhile, he has a wife that's totally supportive, that's always bucking him up when he's down, and he's cheating on her fairly regularly and constantly with several different women. We've talked about that.
[00:27:53] And then he becomes a majority leader, but he's scheming, and I'm sure he told a lot of lies to Richard Russell to convince him he was his long-lost son that should be made minority leader of the U.S. Senate. You know, we talked about that whole dynamic with him and Sam Rayburn, with him and Richard Russell. And then we talked about the cleanup. We talked about the terrible, terrible allegations
[00:28:23] that Johnson was actually part of a murder ring and systematically had a number of his little secrets, people who held his little secrets, had them eliminated after he became vice president, including the man who was a U.S. agricultural inspector going after him and Billy Solestis, including his own sister, including his sister's fiance, and possibly
[00:28:50] including an elected, supposedly, president of the United States. Johnson's the president, but how did he get there? And does his conscience ever bother him? And does it cause him to have sudden, even irrational fears come up in his mind? Because I'm going to tell you, folks, he did have irrational fears come up in his mind. As we go to
[00:29:20] this convention, in August, in Atlantic City, in August of 1964, Johnson is way the hell ahead in the polls. The Republicans have had a disastrous political convention. Goldwater has a completely split party. Governor Romney, Mitt Romney's father, governor of Michigan, and Nelson Rockefeller leading a whole large group of notable Republicans against Goldwater and against the patriotic nationalist
[00:29:50] movement, conservative movement, and against their nominee Barry Goldwater. It's a total disaster for the GOP. But Johnson's worried. He's worried about the Kennedys. He has all these worries. And so he, the first day of the convention, he's still at the White House. And he goes up by himself, shuts the shades, lays down on a bed with a yellow pad, and he, he has to start,
[00:30:19] when is he going to communicate at this convention to all these Democrats? What's he, what's he going to say to them? Well, he wrote this as a first draft of a statement that he was going to make to the Democrat convention in 1964. This is Lyndon Johnson wrote this, folks, handwritten. 44 months ago, I was selected to be the Democratic Vice President, of the United States.
[00:30:49] On that fateful November day last year, I accepted the responsibility of the presidency, asking God's guidance and the help of all of our people. For nine months, I've carried on as effectively as I could. Our country faces grave dangers. These dangers must be faced and met by a united
[00:31:19] under a leader they do not doubt. I am not that voice or that leader. Unquote. Lyndon Johnson wrote this, folks, on the Tuesday, the day the convention was starting in Atlantic City. He hadn't even gone to the convention yet. He's still at the White House. He's been in a funk for days. He's been getting more and more concerned and fearful
[00:31:48] and anguished. This is what Jonathan Darman, the historian Jonathan Darman, said in this book. This is a very good book. It's called Landslide. It compares the careers at the key points between Ronald Reagan and who won in the landslide in 1966 as part of this story, and Lyndon Johnson, who would win in the landslide in this upcoming election. But Johnson's not even going to go that far, it looks
[00:32:18] like. Because Darman says, quote, if aides had listened carefully to Johnson, they would have heard something else, something more unsettling, fear of the presidency itself. He returned to the list of threats he'd kept track of all summer, the city's exploding with racial violence, right-wing agitators urging it along, Vietnam spinning into
[00:32:47] a nuclear conflict with China or the Soviets, Bobby scheming and plotting. He was worried about that word in the newspapers, backlash. It was all too much for him, he told one of his lieutenants. I do not believe I can physically and mentally carry the responsibilities of the bomb and the world and the Negroes and the South. Unquote.
[00:33:19] He's freaking out, folks. Everything is going his way and Johnson is freaking out at the beginning of the convention. that would pick the Democrat nominee in 1964. But Lady Bird sits him down, has another talking to him, talking to with him, not the first one like this,
[00:33:48] and Johnson pulls it together enough to go to Atlantic City and Kennedy does not. The effort to make him vice president fails. There was no Klinestein effort to have him put in nomination for president against Johnson. All of the buildup of JFK and this PSYOP that was all redounding to Johnson's benefit, redounded to Johnson's benefit, he was hailed as a hero
[00:34:17] for the passage of the Civil Rights Bill. He is kissing off the solid South, but because of all of the activity against Goldwater in the media, and some of Goldwater's own mistakes in the media, Johnson is hugely popular, hugely popular, and has a triumphant convention, picks Hubert Humphrey, the senator from Minnesota that was a civil rights warrior,
[00:34:48] went to the Democrat socialist meetings in Europe all the time, total lefty, picks him as his running mate, and Johnson sails toward victory, but he's still unhappy, he's still worried, and the cities are heating up, and riots are breaking out between the time of the convention and the time of the election,
[00:35:19] and Johnson is very concerned about the South. He sends Lady Bird down there, she gets pelted with rocks, she gets booed off stages, it's ugly folks, it's ugly, he doesn't go, he sends his wife to campaign for him in all these traditional Democrat areas, where most of the politicians are still at that time Democrats, where most of the voters are Democrats, and they hate Johnson now, they consider him a traitor,
[00:35:49] Richard Russell considers him a traitor, and one of the reasons for that is, is Johnson many believe, put the screws on Richard Russell, and threatened to expose the fact that he had had an affair with a black woman, Richard Russell, and forced Russell to convince the Southern Democrats to end a long-going filibuster against the Civil Rights
[00:36:18] Bill. A long-occurring filibuster came to an end, and many believe that's how it came to an end. Johnson turned the screws on the Southern Democrats, he cut a deal, but Everett Dirksen, the minority leader of the Republicans, supposed to be a conservative, but all for civil rights, yeah, yeah, let's give the federal government a ton of new power and influence. Setting up affirmative action, setting up permanent discrimination against whites,
[00:36:49] setting up school busing, setting up all of these terrible things, setting up the dynamic in a workplace where you can't fire somebody if they're black or you worry about it and they can always say it's racial whether it is or not, causing animosity between the races. Johnson got that job done and that was a big down payment for what he knew he had to do,
[00:37:18] but he worried about all of these things terribly. terribly. And then, I told you about this book that was out there, Bobby Baker, Goldwater is finally starting to talk about this stuff, Billy Solestis and Bobby Goldwater, excuse me, Billy Solestis and Bobby Baker. We talked about their problems in previous episodes of this Johnson series, people who were close to Johnson,
[00:37:47] and then just a few days before the election, something really bad happens. So Johnson has a aide, like the aide, the guy he always relied on to keep everything, to keep the wheels running in motion. He is basically his vice president of everything, is what Johnson called this guy. His name was Walter Jenkins.
[00:38:17] Walter Jenkins was actually involved in this testimony that I told you about that was occurring the day Kennedy got shot, because it's Walter Jenkins that called the insurance broker and said, oh, by the way, now you bought all these television ads on Johnson's television station, now you have to send Lady Bird a stereo, an expensive TV stereo, a Magnavox. Walter Jenkins made that call.
[00:38:46] A lot of calls like that. Walter Jenkins knew where the bodies were buried more than anyone in Johnson's operation, because he was involved with everything, the details of everything that Johnson did. That was Walter Jenkins, totally loyal, 25 years, as an aide to Lyndon Johnson. But a few days before the election, Walter Jenkins, who's under tremendous pressure, and Johnson puts tremendous pressure on his staffers all the
[00:39:16] time, calls them in the middle of the night all the time, makes them work on the weekends all the time. Well known for that. Kind of like Trump that way. Walter Jenkins takes an evening off and goes and has a couple of martinis, and then he goes to a YMCA, and he has sex with a man in the bathroom, and he's caught by two undercover police officers who are filming and recording and taking photos and arresting that, you know, it
[00:39:46] was a sting, because there had been allegations that these restrooms at the YMCA in Washington, D.C. were used for homosexual activities. Oops! He's busted, folks. And it takes a few days before the White House finds out and before the press finds out. But this is a big, big problem. This is 1964, folks. This isn't 2024. This is 1964.
[00:40:16] Walter Jenkins is a key aide to Johnson, knows all of his dirt. And now he is compromised in this position and they have to fire him. But Johnson just wants to fire him. And Lady Bird's like, wait a minute, you can't do that. And so they end up making him like a vice president in charge of that TV and radio station down in Johnson City that I've referred to two or three times where he had all the national advertising rates going and all of these people that were putting
[00:40:46] ads up that just were bribing Lyndon Johnson. He goes down there. But this is a huge news story and now Johnson is freaking out again because this is happening right before the election. But guess what? It doesn't matter because the propaganda op against Barry Goldwater is so successful that Johnson wins. The White House was 61% of the vote
[00:41:16] versus 39% for Goldwater. A huge mandate is what you would call that for his new great society that he's already announced that he's already started. He started with the Civil Rights Act. He's now opened up the Office of Economic Opportunity, the OEO. Johnson's launched this whole deal. Now he's getting this huge mandate except Johnson knows it's
[00:41:45] not a mandate because in the title of this episode it's a loophole not a mandate. That's a quote from Lyndon Johnson to his staff. He knew damn well they had a window from this PSYOP that had been occurring since John F. Kennedy was assassinated in 1963 to shove through these programs but he knew he did not have, he did not have a
[00:42:14] great period, a long period of time. That this was a fluke of sorts that only was possible to run the kind of presidency he promised he would run. He promised the left, he promised everybody by this time that he would run this new great society that would transform America totally, that would end poverty totally, that would give everybody health care, everything's going to be great, everything's for free.
[00:42:44] I mean it was an unbelievable number of promises and detailed promises that Johnson made on the campaign trail as well as promising not to go into Vietnam. But he knew he had a brief window because of this general undertow, undercurrent as I said, that the country was actually moving to the right and Johnson was no fool, he was damn positive that that was the case.
[00:43:14] And so that's why he described his own landslide, sweeping victory in 1964 as a loophole and not a mandate. And what I want you to folks, overall, and we're going to talk more about it and fill in the blanks here, but this was a brief period of time. This was not a movement to have all of these different
[00:43:44] programs, the socialized medicine and free immigration and a huge amount of immigration into the country and all of these poverty programs and all of this community organizers going everywhere and every other kind of piece legislation in every different area. We're going to get into more details about this legislation as this series continues, but this was all a brief window of time that this could occur.
[00:44:13] Only because John F. Kennedy was killed. Only because of what they were able to do to Goldwater. Only because Lyndon Johnson was willing to sacrifice the traditional Democrat Party and do whatever they wanted him to do because he was all for these programs himself, but it didn't last that long. Even by
[00:44:42] the end of 1965, he's getting a huge backlash, not just, not just from rednecks down in the south, not just bigots in northern cities that didn't like the blacks rioting around them, but from mayors like Richard Daley, Democrat mayors like Richard Daley in Chicago, like Sam Yorty in Los Angeles, because his first program was the most
[00:45:12] Marxist, Saul Alinsky type of program, Barack Obama type of program that he ran, which was this OEO, where they had these huge poverty grants, the government that they were going to give the local governments, and they wanted community organizers who, as part of the ratings that they gave these people, in order to get these grants, had to do mass demonstrations
[00:45:42] and had to do public demonstrations against the establishment, against people that made all these people downtrodden and poor. So it was a Marxist paradise. Walter Ruther's minions from the Peace Corps that came over in mass into this program, the minions of the Students for Democratic Society, Tom Hayden, and these people, he later married Jane
[00:46:12] Fonda, Florida, these people flooded into this OEO, and it just turned into a nest of communists. They also set up free legal services, and they're suing everybody under the sun, under some of these grants that were issued. But they took the power away from people like Richard Daley in Chicago to distribute the patronage. They took the power away from mayors like Sam Yorty in
[00:46:41] Los Angeles and mayors in other parts of the country that are key Democrats. And so Johnson, within a year, just from this program alone, is starting to get some huge resistance, and the Republicans are getting new talking points to reinvigorate their base, which is why 1964 1966, unlike 1964, becomes a wipeout for the Democrats, and where in 1964 Johnson got 59%
[00:47:11] of the vote in California, by 1966, Ronald Reagan, a right-wing Republican running against one of Johnson's lieutenants, Edmund Brown, the incumbent governor, Reagan gets 60%. Reagan gets a landslide against essentially against the Great Society. That's what Reagan ran against, and against the empowerment of the left that was leading to
[00:47:40] larger and larger protests, and all of this feeds in now to what's going to become the anti-war movement that turns on Johnson. They're organizing all of these leftists to be very effective with mass demonstrations, and at first it's supposed to be about poverty, and about getting their rights, and this kind of thing, but it festers and spreads across the whole racial issue, civil rights, into the anti-war
[00:48:09] movement, which is a huge manifestation of the left, but not a huge manifestation that's appreciated by a majority of people in the United States, which is why in 1968, Richard Nixon starts talking about the silent majority, the people that aren't out there protesting, the people that don't have government grants to do these kind of things. So this was a small window of time. We're going to next talk about the Great Society in this series. Of course, we're
[00:48:39] going to talk about Vietnam. We're going to talk about Johnson's treatment of Israel, and that's all upcoming on my Lyndon Johnson series on Hour of Decision. And I'm going to remind you one more time, folks, we've been coming up, and it's time for you, if you haven't done it already, to check out securevote.news. That's securevote.news where we have the latest news, important for activists in particular, but for everybody that's
[00:49:08] concerned about the integrity of our elections, as we are coming up to a great big one, in just a few days. Again, my name is Lou Moore. You're on Liberty News Radio, and this show is called Hour of Decision. Talk to you later.