Radio Show Hour 2 – 2026/06/06

[00:00:01] You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is The Political Cesspool. The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program. And here to guide you through the murky waters of The Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.

[00:00:31] What a great first hour to kick off a very busy show tonight. Leonardo Gianni is still coming up in our third hour as she makes her debut appearance on TPC a little bit later tonight. Don't miss that. It's going to be high octane and high energy. She's a lot of fun. And our first hour was no slouch either.

[00:00:54] Going to Germany at the very beginning of the show, live from Germany, there was Sasa Rasmuller to talk about his new book, brand new book, Culture, Aesthetics, and Identity, Blossoms of the Occidental World. And then from there, we backtracked it across the continent to England, where Nick Scanlon, longtime British activist, was there to talk about the murder of Henry Novak.

[00:01:18] Well, it is not unusual at all, certainly not unprecedented, for me to have a conversation on the phone on any given weekday with a guest who's a regular on our program. And for me to just be engaging in a conversation and say, hey, you know what? This would be great content for the radio program. Why don't we try to bottle this? Would you mind coming on this Saturday?

[00:01:44] Well, it's happened more than once with Mark Weber, and it happened again just a couple of days ago. Mark and I were talking about unrelated matters, and we got into this conversation. And, well, here he is now. Mark Weber, the director of the Institute for Historical Review, is with us this hour to deliver an updated and informed, clear-eyed look at the reason behind President Trump's decision to join Israel in a war that has proven to be a humiliating fiasco.

[00:02:14] Mark, welcome back to the program. Well, thanks again, James, for having me on. It's always a pleasure being with you, and glad to be here tonight. We will go over your most impeccable credentials as each segment continues to roll out tonight. For regular listeners, you will be very well known, having spoken at our conferences and been such a regular over the course of the last two decades plus. But with all of that having been said, let's sink our teeth into the meat of the matter tonight.

[00:02:42] So why don't you begin, Mark, by just giving us a brief look at the origins and the trajectory of the U.S.-Israel war against Iran, and then we can transition into some other things. Right. Well, there's a lot to be said about it, of course. This is shaping up, I think, as the biggest black eye of the Trump administration.

[00:03:03] Much of the commentary has been about how the war has been very bad for Donald Trump and the Republican Party in the midterm elections, of course. It's an unpopular war. It was launched without even any kind of authorization by Congress. And it's turned out very differently than not only Trump, but just about everybody expected.

[00:03:26] But there's two points I want to make to sort of kick the thing off that are kind of provocative, but I think should be made about it. The first one is that never before in American history has a U.S. president launched a war against the advice of his own highest level military and political officials, but instead accepted and followed the assurances and claims of a foreign political leader. That's never happened before.

[00:03:56] There's been times when American presidents have made decisions against the advice of his own cabinet or high-level officials. But to do so and to follow the advice of a foreign leader to launch a war, that is without precedent. And that's one of the reasons I think that there's such pushback on this case. The second point I want to make, and I think this is a provocative one,

[00:04:19] is that, of course, not only in launching this attack that Trump broke his own often repeated pledges to avoid just such a regime-changed war and betrayed his own supporters and, of course, the American public. But the bigger thing that comes out of this is that the United States, and especially the Trump administration, is now regarded around the world as reckless, confused, untrustworthy, and deceitful.

[00:04:46] And even going further than that, Trump has actually fast-trapped America's decline in the world. He's accelerating the downward trajectory that he so often and so emphatically promised to halt and turn around. Now, the war began in late February. We're now, what, in the 14th, 15th, 14th week of this war. There's no end in sight. It sort of goes on intermittently. The Trump administration and Trump is eager to try to find some way out of this.

[00:05:15] Part of the problem is that he hasn't even packaged or presented this war in any kind of coherent way to his own supporters. He lurks his back and forth between saying, well, it's just about over. We've got a deal, to saying, no, we've got to blast the country, send them back to the Stone Age. Or then he'll say, well, we've actually carried out regime change in the war. We've got new leaders, and they're more reasonable.

[00:05:43] And then the next week, they're insane. They're no good. We have to get rid of them. On and on it goes. That's not only a mark of being confused, but confusing. I mean, the world can't even make sense of this kind of thing. Now, but I really want to focus, though, not so much really on this war, as bad as this is, but the larger question of why does America keep doing this?

[00:06:10] Why do we continue this trajectory of getting involved in wars that turn out so badly in Vietnam, in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and now in Iran, and even by an administration that has so loudly and emphatically claimed it wasn't going to get involved in those kind of wars? What's going wrong here? What's really behind this? It's not just one administration, not just a Republican administration or a Democrat.

[00:06:35] Both parties have launched wars like this that have turned out so badly. But anyway, those are the kind of provocative things I want to say to kick this off. And I'd like to know what you and other people think about that. Well, certainly I agree with you. I laughed at one point during your opening salvo there. Just something that you said made my mind harken back to my childhood.

[00:07:04] There was a situational strategy game that you could play. It was a turn-based game for computers called Civilization. And it was made by a programmer named Sid Meier. It was a very popular game in the 90s. I remember playing it as a boy and as a teenager. And the purpose of the game is you pick the nation you want to lead. And it begins on a timeline several thousand years B.C.

[00:07:29] And you move forward exploring new technologies and sciences and advancements. You explore and discover the whole age of exploration. You explore the map. And you have diplomatic relations with other nations. And yes, war is a part of it as well. But if you engage into diplomatic relations and then you do a sneak attack, your reputation is damaged and it impairs you as you move forward throughout the game. And so I was just thinking about that.

[00:07:56] If Trump was playing that game or if this was that game, if life was that game, I mean, Trump wouldn't be able to – there'd be no way to win. Because as you say, I mean, it's almost become a joke now, Mark, that every time the United States says they're engaging in a ceasefire that Iran better batten down the hatches because you know that Obama's about to drop. And I wonder – and I'd like to get your take on this.

[00:08:20] I mean, some of the hypothetical guessing games that are being played out there is that Trump made a deal that he could do things domestically so long as that he delivered on this war. For the powers that be and for the Israeli lobby. And some of it – I don't know how much of it is a good cop, bad cop between Trump and Netanyahu or who would be the bad cop in that – or the good cop in that case or in that analogy.

[00:08:48] And how much of it is kabuki theater. Trump does seem sometimes to be genuinely flummoxed by Netanyahu. But I don't know if that's real. I mean, he is an actor. He's a TV personality after all. What do you think is really going on behind the scenes? Let me just ask you that. Well, I think we have a pretty good idea. The New York Times and others have made this point. You know, just the other day, Trump got angry at Netanyahu in a telephone conversation that everybody's heard about. I'm sure all the listeners have heard about that. He said, everybody hates you now.

[00:09:18] Because of you, everybody hates Israel, he said. He was angry and he was pretty emphatic. I find in my life that when people get that angry at someone, they're really, in a way, angry at themselves because they were foolishly – they foolishly trusted that person. They put confidence in that person. And that's what happened in this case. Trump was given a big song and dance by Netanyahu on February, I think, 11th or 12th. Netanyahu flew to the United States. He met with Trump.

[00:09:47] And he gave them all these assurances about what would happen. He claimed Iran is just about to fall. He said, if you knock off its leaders, the whole thing will collapse. He also promised that Israeli agents would help stir up the population against the regime. And the whole thing would come down. And Trump bought it. Trump agreed with it. The next day, he held a meeting with top officials. And he asked advice. Or he ran it by all these other people. Vance told him it's a terrible idea.

[00:10:16] And during this conversation, Trump rejected the advice of his own head of the CIA. And even more importantly, even the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, his top military person, Dan Keene. That's an extraordinary thing. And Keene, after Rubio even said, it's bullshit what Trump was – I think what Netanyahu said to him. And Trump did – Hold on right there. Okay.

[00:10:45] Mark, we're going to pick it up right there. We've got to take this break. We're with Mark Weber, the director of the IHR, Institute for Historical Review. That's IHR.org. Stay tuned. Much more to come. We're going to pick it up right there where Mark's leaving it off in about two minutes. We'll be right back. I've met a lot of great people throughout TPC's 20-year run. And one of the very first was Michael Gaddy. He was down on the border with the Minutemen Project back in those days, who's calling into the studio from a payphone with live reports.

[00:11:13] He was fighting to preserve our nation then, and he still is. Let me ask you something. Does true history matter to you? Would you like to know authentic history or what is taught in government schools and universities? The choice is yours. Michael Gaddy has on display at his sub-stack a wealth of information from original source documents on both the founding era of our country and the South's Second War for Independence. Check him out at michaelgaddy.substack.com.

[00:11:43] If the truth matters to you, you won't regret taking the time. Join the conversation now at michaelgaddy.substack.com. This is a battle. A battle between truth and deceit. A battle between forces that would enslave this country in darkness and between a media that wants to present you with the truth. We are being censored. America's news outlets no longer provide the truth.

[00:12:09] 90% of news outlets in the United States are controlled by six corporations. The mission of The Epoch Times is to chase the truth, to ground all statements and facts. TheEpochTimes.com Are you watching what's happening in our country and asking, what can I do? Join the John Birch Society in Salt Lake City June 6th for a powerful one-day conference. The day includes a host of respected speakers, two meals, and meaningful connections. You'll gain clarity on the issues

[00:12:38] and walk away with practical steps you can take to your community. Reserve your seat today at jbs.org forward slash SLC26. That's jbs.org forward slash SLC26. Because this situation in the Middle East is an ongoing, obviously ever-evolving, and boy is it ever, it's a fluid situation.

[00:13:08] So we've got to have routine check-ins on it. And when we go to this topic, there's nobody I want more than Mark Weber. I mean, for a lot of reasons. As you know, he's an accomplished historian, lecturer, current affairs analyst. But he's unusually well-informed, as we have told you in his previous appearances on this matter, with regards to Iranian relations with other countries, including the United States, as well as 20th century Iranian history. Now, he's made three visits to Iran.

[00:13:37] He spoke and met with a wide range of people, all the way from ordinary citizens to writers, scholars, activists, even government officials from various countries. He has addressed meetings in Tehran, including a lecture to hundreds of young Iranian university students. He even spoke at a conference of government leaders where the country's president also spoke. So when Mark Weber is talking about this, yes, everybody has an opinion. His, though, is an expert one. And his commentary on this matter

[00:14:06] is very well-informed, to say the least. And what we were talking about before the break was Trump and Netanyahu. I agree with you, Mark. I just want to say this very quickly. I agree with what you said before. Some people are just saying it's all an act. I do believe that what we saw in that phone call was real. But no less is it real that, obviously, Trump is doing things, whether he wants to or not, the actions still are what they are. But I remember reading in the New York Times just a few weeks ago,

[00:14:36] where they really set the stage for what was going on in the Situation Room. It was very odd that Trump would bring a visiting foreign dignitary, in this case Netanyahu, not to the Oval Office, but to the Situation Room. And the New York Times painted a very vivid verbal picture of what happened there. It was Netanyahu flanked with members of the Mossad and other Israeli intelligence agencies

[00:15:04] basically, you know, bulldogging Trump. And according to the story, Trump bought it. And I think that's what you were talking about before the break. That's right. And he said, sounds good to me, he said. And the next day, he held a meeting with top American officials. And during that time, he told American officials, but Netanyahu said, and Vance was very emphatic.

[00:15:32] He said, no, this is not going to happen. The Iranian regime, it's going to be different. He rejected the advice of Netanyahu. And Rubio said, okay, in other words, it's bullshit. That's the word Rubio said. And then Trump turned to Cain, the head of the Joint Chief of Staff, and said, General, what do you think? And he said, sir, this is, in my experience, standard operating procedure for the Israelis. They oversell, and their plans are not always well-developed.

[00:16:02] They know they need us, and that's why they're hard-selling. Now, Trump has a, give me, Netanyahu has a long record of deceit of the American people and the world. For years, he's been claiming Iran's just about to have nuclear weapons. He's always been pushing the United States. And the real sad thing isn't that Netanyahu is looked upon skeptically by American leaders. The sad thing is that no other leader has spoken to the American Congress more than Netanyahu,

[00:16:31] and when he does, he gets these raucous standing ovations from leaders of both parties. He gets more of an ovation than the American president. He gets more of an ovation from the U.S. Congress than he gets in his own parliament. Now, something's very rotten when that situation is in place. It's because the people who are applauding Netanyahu aren't doing it because they care about Netanyahu. They care about themselves.

[00:16:57] They know that Jewish, Zionist power and influence in our electoral system is such that they have to stay on the good side of it if they're going to get reelected. And we just saw Massey thrown out because he is one of the very few who stands on principle and has defied that power. And that's what they're really... That's corruption. That's putting the interests of their own interests ahead of what's good for the country. That's a very basic problem. Now, in this case,

[00:17:27] Trump has been a big supporter of Netanyahu and of Israel for years. And now he's angry at Netanyahu. By the way, in an interview, Trump even confirmed that the report of what he said in this telephone conversation was accurate. He did that another... A few days later. But anyway, the amazing thing, though, is that when that decision was made to attack Iran, U.S. and Iranian officials were in Islamabad,

[00:17:55] excuse me, not in Islamabad, but in Oman, supposedly negotiating an agreement to end the disputes and the conflict and so forth between the United States. And while we're in negotiations, Trump is actually conspiring with Netanyahu to carry out a treacherous attack. It's like the reverse of... It's like a Pearl Harbor attack. We're supposedly in negotiations, and it's no wonder then that not only Iran, but the world says, this isn't a serious country.

[00:18:25] You can't... The word of the United States is not worth very much. So when the United States says it wants negotiations, the Iranians say, well, let's prove it with deeds rather than words because your word isn't really worth much. You know, in April, the country of Pakistan hosted negotiations between Iran and the United States. Iran sent its foreign minister, Arakshi, a very shrewd, very educated man, the head of their parliament,

[00:18:54] a very seasoned delegation. The United States, who'd they send? They sent Vance, Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner. Vance has no experience in international affairs. Zero. Real estate investor and a personal lawyer for Trump. And Jared Kushner is his son-in-law. It's not a delegation that shows that the United States is even really serious. It's not... It's not a... And this is a very bad thing when a country

[00:19:23] is now around the world ridiculed the way that the United States, especially under Trump, is being. That's why the Vietnam War was such... Partly was such a fiasco, because it ruins the credibility of a country. And when a country loses its credibility, just like an individual, if he loses his reputation, it's very hard to ever restore that. Well, as I said, going back to my analogy from my boyhood, Trump would have had a very difficult time beating that computer game,

[00:19:52] engaging in such treachery, because you're punished for it if he had played the game as he presides. But, you know, I voted for Trump three times, and I'm glad it was him and not Hillary or Kamala or whatever. And there's a lot of reasons for that. I'm not going to re-litigate all of that right now, but he definitely gets an F in foreign policy, and it's certainly this year. And it's interesting and astonishing, really, because this was the 1B. You know, moving away from

[00:20:22] the neocon-era wars was 1B in 2016 to his 1A, which was immigration. It's what made him so wonderfully refreshing, which got all of that enthusiasm during that original campaign against Clinton, only to see him, you know, completely abandoned. And, you know, the question is, and it can be debated forever, why did he do it? Did he ever really believe that? What was his real, what are his real thoughts on foreign policy? I don't guess it pays to find out. But,

[00:20:52] nevertheless, here we are. And, I would ask you this. This is an interesting question, I think, that you could, once again, Mark, deliver an informed perspective on. And that is, I would have to imagine that the Persians look at this form of, you know, internet diplomacy with the wild and volatile comments on truth social and elsewhere from the president with some sort of exasperation.

[00:21:22] But you know these people, you know, certainly more than the average American does having spent some time over there in Iran. You know, how would you imagine that their government is looking at our government right now? Well, they already start. I mean, this is a widespread view among Iranians. Even Iranians who disagree with the regime, they know that the United States has in the past treated Iran shabbily, treated Iran very badly. This goes back to World War II. It goes back to 1953

[00:21:51] when the U.S. CIA or the British overthrew the government of Mohamed Mossadegh, who was a very popular leader at the time and replaced him because American, especially British, oil interests were threatened. The Shah of Iran was overthrown in 1979 in large measure because he was seen as a person who did the bidding of the United States more than what was good for his own people. The Iranians are a proud people. I have emphasized this repeatedly.

[00:22:21] Iran is not Venezuela or Panama or Iraq even. It's a very venerable, very ancient people, a proud people, and they will fight to preserve their independence and they mean it. And even though, even many people who disagree with the government, Iranians are very open about giving their opinion about what they think of what's going on. There's lots of open criticism of the government and the demonstrations that we saw,

[00:22:51] have seen, have usually been on economic matters. But people will rally around the flag when it comes to this treacherous attack by the United States against a country that actually, yeah, it has proxies, it supports other countries, but Iran has not attacked another country in two centuries. The United States during the past century has attacked, bombed, invaded more countries than any other country in the world by far during the past year. The United States

[00:23:21] talks a lot about peace, but it wants it on its terms. And right now, the feeling in Iran overwhelmingly is they're defending their country. Remember, Iran fought an eight-year war, 1980 to 88, against Iraq. Iraq attacked Iran because they thought Iran was vulnerable right after the revolution. Hundreds of thousands of people died in that war. It had constant missiles, poison gas, it was a terrible thing.

[00:23:49] Iran has suffered much less than it did in that war, but it stuck it out and it prevailed. And it will definitely prevail in this case because there's an enormous sense that this is a manifestly unjust attack by the United States and Israel. And I put a lot of the blame on Fox News and on the cheerleaders who are always talking about how they're going to liberate Iran. Well, the Iranians

[00:24:19] are smart enough to know that liberation by the United States means chaos, disorder in Iraq and other places. They're smart enough to see that kind of track record. And the American public may feel good about supposedly liberating the country, but they don't really care about Iranians anyway. We will be right back as Mark will give us a preview of an address he's going to be giving in California in a few days looking beyond the fiasco to a sane U.S. foreign policy.

[00:24:48] How do we get that? We'll ask him. Exposing corruption. Informing citizens. Pursuing liberty. You're listening to Liberty News Radio. News this hour from Town Hall. I'm Mary Rose. President Trump is happy to hear the latest report about the labor market which is really looking up. Correspondent Laura Winters with the latest. The numbers defying the economic forecast turns out double the amount of jobs were created last month

[00:25:18] in May. 172,000 to be exact. President Trump on board Air Force One telling reporters he's thrilled with the upswing in the labor market. So we had incredible job numbers you saw that and we have good everything good numbers but the job numbers just came out and they were fantastic. Laura Winters reporting. Unemployment stands at 4.3%. The Treasury Department is warning banks about the risks of serving people

[00:25:46] living in the country illegally. It's part of the Trump administration's efforts to tighten immigration controls. The Financial Crimes Enforcement Network or FinCEN issued guidance following an executive order by President Trump in May. That order requires banks to scrutinize customers' citizenship more closely but it is less aggressive than initially expected since it doesn't mandate collecting citizenship information. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent emphasized preventing illegal aliens from exploiting financial institutions.

[00:26:16] Banks are pushed to watch for red flags like identity theft and payroll fraud. High up in Juani, Washington. Golden Tempo is the winner of the 158th Belmont Stakes. The horse took first in the Kentucky Derby earlier this year but skipped the Preakness Stakes. Commandment took second, Renegade third at New York Saratoga race. Golden Tempo was ridden in both the Belmont and the Derby by Jose Ortiz. Trainer Cherie DeVoe is now the first female trainer to win triple

[00:26:46] two Triple Crown races in the same year. More on these stories at townhall.com. When it comes to supplements, there are two things that matter most. It works and you can trust it. Both are absolutely essential. Larry Elder here. Many hosts have been taking and authentically endorsing Relief Factor for over a decade. That's over 10 years of lending their voice to help you get out of pain drug-free. Why? Because it works. Plain and simple,

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[00:27:44] maybe it's time you found out why so many people like me make Relief Factor part of their daily routine. Try the 3-week quick start today and see how it works for you. Visit ReliefFactor.com That's ReliefFactor.com or call 800-4-RELIEF 800-4-RELIEF. Hey friends, it's James. Did you know that every issue of the American Free Press now features my own published Q&A interviews with one of your favorite guests from the radio program? That's right. The American Free Press has officially partnered with TPC to expand our audience into the realm of print media.

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[00:29:13] the honest history of World War II without propaganda and we've always worked to bring former enemies together as friends. There's no other source available that publishes this history like Shark Hunters because we got our information, photos, and memories directly from the warriors who fought the battles. Sharkhunters.com has an unmatched collection of more than 300,000 photographs right from the veterans themselves. The Shark Hunters magazine will keep you up to date on real history,

[00:29:42] so send us an email to SharkHunters at SharkHunters.com and we'll send the current issue of our magazine by email. No charge, of course. What are you waiting for? Head on over to SharkHunters.com and I'll see you there. We're back now with one of the most frequently interviewed

[00:30:11] guests in the 22-year history of this program, my friend and yours, Mark Weber, director of the Institute for Historical Review, such an integral institution for our sides capably led for so many years by Mark. And Mark, I want to preview this speech you're going to be giving in a few days later this month in California. You'll be giving it to another group on the East Coast a little later this summer because I think

[00:30:41] there's some very important questions attendant to your general thesis here. But before I go I get to that, I just want to ask you something just to satisfy my own curiosity. I was mulling it over during the break and we were asking does Trump really believe this? Was he sold a bill of goods by Netanyahu and his cohorts that they could go in and do this? But I would ask you this question, Mark, and again, just your take on this.

[00:31:11] Does Netanyahu really believe it? I mean, does Netanyahu and Israel really believe that the United States could go in and conquer Iran which no other civilization has been able to do? Do they really believe it? I mean, what's in play there? Netanyahu doesn't care. He's not interested in that. He's interested in creating maximum chaos, confusion, disorder in Iran and in any country in the region that is a rival or a threat

[00:31:39] to Israeli interests as Netanyahu and Israeli leaders see it. That's why they don't really care about Iran. In fact, what Israel would really like is for the entire country to split up for minority areas to break off. It's in Israel's interest to have all be surrounded by countries in the region that are basically weak and pliable. That's what he wants and he wants America to do the heavy lifting and wants America to do the

[00:32:08] majority of the bombing and so forth and also Netanyahu knows that no president will be as pliable as agreeable to what Israel wants as Donald Trump because Netanyahu like leaders everywhere around the world know that the way to deal with Donald Trump is to flatter him. Tell him things he wants to hear. Make things look easy. Give him presents. Tell him he's great. Everywhere around the world they've learned that that's the way you deal with Donald Trump. When he went to China recently,

[00:32:38] he didn't say a peep about what he used to say about China used to say China's ripping us off. They're terrible. They're awful. They're cheating. They're doing all these things. At one time he jacked up tariffs to China to 145%. Then he's going there now but he sees big parades. He sees military power. He gets gifts. He gets flattered. And he says, oh, Xi Jinping is a great guy. We can deal with China. What happened to all that talk

[00:33:07] that Trump had? And everybody's learned it. The Saudis have learned it and no one is shrewder in dealing with Trump than Benjamin Netanyahu. He knows what to tell him and he flatters him. And he tried to tell him if you're good to Israel, you'll get support from the Jewish community in the United States. Trump's been very disappointed on that level as well. But Netanyahu doesn't really care. The maximum he can get out of the United States to destroy not only Iran but any area, any country

[00:33:36] in the region, that's what Netanyahu wants. He wants to treat Iran the way the United States blasted Iraq. And now Israeli leaders, including Netanyahu, are foreseeing that the next country they've got to go after in the region that's a danger is Turkey. It's to the north. And anyway, that's Netanyahu's goal, which is very, very different than the authentic interests of the United States and the American people. All right, let's get to this

[00:34:06] great answer, by the way, and let's get to this, the Iran war. This is the title Well, the bigger point, James, I want to make is we've talked over and over and you've talked over and over. We've had many conversations about the importance of being realistic with regard to racial matters, immigration, and so forth. We have to be realistic. And very often leaders in the United States and even many Americans have been very delusional, unrealistic, about domestic policy.

[00:34:35] They've sort of been assumed that if we have the right intentions, if we're good people, then these racial problems, immigration problems, and so forth will sort of take care of themselves if we're good. That's delusional and it's not realistic. And the same principle applies in international or foreign affairs. We have to have a realistic foreign policy. The founders of America did have a realistic foreign policy. It's enshrined in the famous farewell address by George Washington. We're not trying to make the world

[00:35:05] over and go off into other countries to liberate them and so forth. Many American leaders have made this point over and over. That's an authentic American policy. It's the policy that China pursues. They don't send troops all over the world to correct problems or to fix things or whatever. They continue to make products, sell them around the world, and deal with the world and the governments as they really are, not as they wish they were. But Americans are influenced

[00:35:33] by extravagant promises that many of our leaders have made over the years about we're going to save the world for democracy. That's what the American president promised when he asked for a declaration of war to get the United States into World War I. And we've heard similar things from other American presidents. We have to help the women of Afghanistan vote. We have to make sure that there's equal rights in Iraq and so forth. That's silly and it's not realistic. But Americans

[00:36:02] have a long tradition, unfortunately, of this kind of idea that we can make it happen because we're exceptional. We're different. Just as American exceptionalism thinks that the lessons of multiracialism and so forth, multiculturalism in the past don't really apply to us because we're different. So also, on the international level, many Americans have this idea that American exceptionalism is we're a better country. We're going to make it all work. And Donald Trump epitomizes that.

[00:36:32] He thinks that he can project American power. We can make things happen in a way that no other country has. But there are real limits to American power and Donald Trump has, particularly in this case, greatly overestimated the real ability of the United States to make its will. And part of the problem is they don't, American leaders and many Americans don't really understand that millions of people around the world care more than just making a deal. They want the unity and the independence of their country.

[00:37:02] They're loyal to their country. The Vietnamese fought for years to unify their country and free it from foreign control. And they were willing to kill and die for that purpose. Americans don't have that kind of staying power because those are not the kind of issues that people really fight for. 250 years ago, American colonists were willing to die and kill to break away from Britain. They didn't want to make a deal with Britain. They wanted independence. And that's for us. And in international affairs,

[00:37:32] then, leaders want just good relations and normal relations with the rest of the world, not trying to involve ourselves in disputes all around the world. But we're going to come up on another break in a couple of minutes. And I'm just going to save your speech here that we've been teasing, the Iran war, looking beyond the fiasco to a sane U.S. foreign policy. We're going to save that treatment for the next segment because you just touched on something that I would just like to get your opinion on. And we touched on it in passing

[00:38:02] just oh so briefly last week, but we are going to do a full three-hour show on it for our Independence Day show. Well, Saturday, Independence Day, the 4th of July, is on a Saturday this year. So we'll be live and we'll touch on it that night. But that is just the fact that this is, you mentioned 250 years ago, what was going on, what they were fighting for. This is the 250th anniversary of the United States and I couldn't imagine people being more disinterested. This should be

[00:38:31] a pretty unique and joyous occasion. This is something, 250 years is a milestone, certainly. It's infancy in terms of nations and civilizations, but 250, there should be at least somewhat of a celebration that goes along with that. Whites, racially aware whites are not into it. Obviously, non-whites here in the United States look at the U.S. and its history as one of colonialism and racism and whatever. Nobody's into it.

[00:39:01] What is that? What do you think is going on there, Mark? Because very few Americans really have a very coherent idea of what it means to be American. What does it mean? Americans have a great deal of difficulty deciding who's the we in the United States of America. And if it's the we, because since the 1940s, the idea of we is whoever's got an American passport, American citizenship. That's not a coherent society. It's not a nation. It's a collection of individuals. And in fact, that's really

[00:39:30] the primary problem is that Americans think of themselves in terms of a country is good if it's good economically or individually for people. Well, that kind of loyalty isn't really loyalty. Loyalty is when things are really difficult. That's when loyalty is really tested, not when things go well. And so it's not surprising, and especially there's a division with younger people. Younger people are far gloomier about the United States because they,

[00:39:59] many more difficulties that they, people, especially my generation and so forth, did not see. America is not the top dog in the world in terms of educational achievement, in terms of living standards, and quality of life, and so forth. The real strength of a country is not its external power or its ability to, quote, win. It's the strength and solidity and coherence of its people. And America is not a country that's very strong in that essential way.

[00:40:28] It was far more united when we broke away. We were, Americans, the fundamental problem is that 250 years ago, the people who fought weren't fighting for democracy, they were fighting for our people. Right, yeah, democracy, whatever that means. You know, what were we fighting for? Fighting for democracy, what good has that done us? Well, how can we get a sane foreign policy? And when is the last time we had one? The early 1800s? We certainly haven't fought in a war that was for our interests since then. We'll talk to Mark Webber about it.

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[00:42:26] in still-industrializing countries. As economist Tyler Cowen recently wrote, quote, by having more children, you're making your nation more populous, thus boosting its capacity to solve climate change. The planet does not need for us to think globally and act locally so much as it needs us to think family and act personally. The solution to so many of our problems, at all times and in all places,

[00:42:56] is to fall in love, get married, and have some kids. All right. As I said, and I mean it, we could have spent the entire hour just breaking down this talk and questions attendant to it, but Mark will be giving a speech a little bit later this month in California titled, The Iran War, looking beyond the fiasco to a sane U.S. foreign policy. He'll be giving

[00:43:25] a similar presentation later this summer on the East Coast. But Mark, I would just say this. You know, I want to shoot everything I've got at this right now and just give you the opportunity to respond to it all. So I'm just going to lay it all out there. And that is questions that anybody listening might have with regards to a sane U.S. foreign policy. First question is, you know, when is the last time we had that? You know, again, do you go back to the 19th century? Certainly not in the 20th century.

[00:43:55] Would you find it not this century so far? Yeah. Well, I was just going to say one more thing, one more thing about that. And how do we get one back? If you vote for a man whose one of his primary issues was stopping exactly what he has further exacerbated, how do you get a sane U.S. foreign policy back when one of the few members of Congress who was a champion of such a foreign policy was drummed out by his own president and his own party, Thomas Massey?

[00:44:24] I think, Mark, you know, these are fundamental questions. But where we still can draw hope, my friend, is one thing we talked about earlier this week in this phone call which prompted tonight's conversation is that the youthful demographic of the American voting population is firmly on the side of what you're about to discuss. And they are essentially entirely inoculated to the media. And they

[00:44:55] are very aware increasingly of Jewish concerns. And so I think the trending energy is on our side. How it happens, when it happens, what the breakthrough may be, and what that whole chain of events may entail, I guess we'll have to wait and see. But I think for the first time in a long time, time may be on our side, it's going to have to wait it out a little bit longer. Take it any direction you want with all that being served at you, Mark.

[00:45:25] Right. Well, first of all, I would say that the points you're making and the points that I've made in that regard, I laid out in the talk I gave in Greenville at the event that you organized. Last year. That is. Yes. Yeah, last year. And because as America continues in this direction, it will be more and more obvious that the system is really beyond saving, in my view. That Donald Trump is the last hurrah, you might say, for those people who want to return America to what it was

[00:45:54] in the Reagan years or the Eisenhower years or some years back in the past. But there's no coherent ideology. There's no coherent worldview behind that. It's a kind of nostalgia thing. Of course, he's restricted and brought down immigration, illegal immigration enormously. But the basic demographic and even cultural trends of the United States have not really changed under Donald Trump. And they can't because we're fighting something much bigger that's more

[00:46:23] in front of the population of the United States is not what it was after World War II when it was 90% European origin. That America is gone. And America's place in the world is gone because the rest of the world has recovered from the Second World War. And during the 1950s and 60s, American hegemony and power in the world was due largely to the fact that the rest of the world had been destroyed or industrial countries have been destroyed

[00:46:53] in the Second World War. That's never coming back. And meanwhile, when people who call themselves conservative, their idea or even 1870 or 1910, it's their turn back to 1980 or 1990. That's our, the rot was already very much in place by then. You know, of course, all of us are very unhappy that Thomas Massey was defeated.

[00:47:22] Even if you disagree, he's one of the very few members of Congress that has principles and sticks with them no matter what. Our members of Congress don't because that's intrinsic in the democratic system of government because politicians are elected on the basis of what they could promise people and people's memories are short. That's always been true in a democratic society and as bad as the problems are in a democratic society in a good situation, it's especially bad when the society

[00:47:51] is as culturally, racially, religiously diverse as the United States of America is. And so our politicians inevitably are going to be men and women who are putting their own interests or short-term interests ahead of long-term interests of our country and certainly our people. But having said that, that's why, I mean, the outlines of American foreign policy first and foremost would be to do what Donald Trump says he wanted to do, that is,

[00:48:21] have an America-first policy. That means detaching America from Israel. But America's support for Israel isn't based on what Israel is doing, it's based on the power of a minority in the United States that has oversized huge influence in our media and so forth. And Americans have accepted that. And only now are people sort of saying on a growing level, well, this is bad. And now they're examining this. But that goes to really something very fundamental

[00:48:51] about the very definition of what it means to be an American. For many Americans, being successful is the hallmark of being American. Well, on that basis, this minority, of course, we're talking about the organized Jewish community, is very American, certainly very successful. But their interests are not the interests of the majority of the American people and certainly our people. So that's a big problem. And I don't see how that can really be rectified, how that can be changed without a very

[00:49:20] fundamental change in our whole political system. because to think that we can solve the problems that have been building and building and building over the last 20, 40, 50, 80 years by just more democracy or hoping we vote, that's, I think, delusional. But having said that, we should have, first and foremost, a sense of who the we is in America. What does it mean to be? When we say we want a policy

[00:49:49] that's in our interest, who's the our? And what does that mean? And that's the really more fundamental problem. And as I said in the talk, white Americans tolerate different groups pushing for their own particular interests, but they think it's somehow shameful to push for white American interests because they like to think we are America. And so it's somehow not right to push for our own interests. And, of course, they've been

[00:50:19] conditioned to think that any kind of talk like that by white people is somehow wrong and shameful. Unless until that attitude changes, I don't see how we can have a foreign policy that also is really in the best interest of our people and for that matter for the world. The more any people, a family, a nation, or group has a group sense, the more solid its outlook is going to be

[00:50:47] about everything because it has a foundation on which to look at these things. Otherwise, people are much more susceptible to propaganda by whoever is controlling and making an issue out of whatever the issue of the day happens to be. They were, and we talked about this in our phone conversation, certainly the boomer generation, the last generation that was born into a high-trust society. They believe what they're told when it comes from authority figures or the media. That is fading away.

[00:51:17] I would just say great talk in Greenville last year and a great appearance tonight. They always are. Brad Griffin was just writing about how much has changed since we were all together in South Carolina a year ago. Last week is when it was. It was 53 weeks ago, a year ago. A lot has happened since then and most of it not encouraging, but you can read Brad's take on that at occidentaldissent.com. IHR.org, the Institute for Historical Review. IHR.org is where you want to go

[00:51:46] for more Mark Weber. But Mark, with all of that having been said and understood, still though, the hope springs eternal. And I think there has to be some hope found in just one example we could cite. The Massey vote, 80% voting for Massey aged 18 through 29, and it was almost the exact opposite, almost a negative image, an inverted image

[00:52:15] of the boomer and silent generations voting for Galrain. So the youth is recalcitrant. And does that give you hope that when some of these other generations exit the scene that there will be something coming in the future that is greatly different? We have to have hope in ourselves, so to speak. And anything other than that really is giving up on life. Because younger people,

[00:52:46] even if they don't have a clear idea or a coherent idea of where this is going, they do realize, though, that hoping or expecting that this system will somehow get better or save itself, they're far more skeptical, cynical even, dubious about the political system. And that's a necessary precondition for creating the foundation for a better America afterwards. That's going to be difficult, but we're going through it. It's going to be a very painful process,

[00:53:15] and it will get more painful in the years ahead, especially when the illusions and the hopes of the Trump administration are behind us. Then it's going to even be more difficult. You'll see a huge pushback by whoever takes power against our people, really, essentially, in the years ahead. But only when we, I mean, it's that way always in history. It wasn't until the British actually occupied Boston

[00:53:45] and they shot people at the Battle of Bunker Hill and other battles were taking place that finally the delegates decided even to vote for independence. They were still hoping to save the relationship with Britain. You know, it's 250 years is all this country is. I mean, the Spanish was under occupation for hundreds of years longer than that before they unshackled themselves. I mean, it seems like everything to us in our finite time on Earth, but as far as nations go,

[00:54:17] America's barely a blip on the radar, so things can change. We expect that they will change. Whether they'll change on our timeline or not, we don't know. Mark Webber, IHR.org, another hour, another great hour with you. We've got a guest coming up making her debut appearance next. Mark Webber's made more than 50 of them. Not a wasted moment in any of them. Mark Webber, thank you, my friend. We'll talk to you again soon. Stay tuned for the third hour. Thank you, Gary. Thank you. You got it. Thank you. Bye-bye.