[00:00:01] You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is The Political Cesspool. The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program. And here to guide you through the murky waters of The Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
[00:00:28] It is always an honor and a privilege to welcome my good friend, Dr. Kevin McDonald, back to the broadcast. He is one of the most regularly featured guests on this program, though he has not yet made an appearance in 2025. We take care of that tonight. The former professor of psychology at California State University, Long Beach.
[00:00:51] He is the author of several books, including Cultural Insurrections, Individualism, and the Western Liberal Tradition. Of course, his seminal work, The Culture of Critique series. And he is back tonight to talk about this research article that our friends Brad Griffin and Courtney put together. I thought that there was some interesting data there. So we know, of course, that white women generally vote less conservatively or less for the Republican candidate than white men.
[00:01:21] But in the South, there was virtually no gender gap at all. And in fact, in three southern states, and they were the only states out of the 50 that can say this, three southern states had white women voting more for Trump than white men. So you've got this data, this evidence that suggests that environment or region, as they put it, and especially religion, played perhaps more of a central role in voting patterns than gender. Dr. McDonald, welcome back to the program.
[00:01:49] You're looking at this data, and thank you for posting it at TOO last week through the lens of evolutionary psychology. What did you make of it? Yeah, well, I was a personality psychologist in my academic career. And so sex differences always really stood out to me in personality. One of the big ones is that men are more into sensation-seeking, risk-taking. They seek pleasure and reward more.
[00:02:18] They're adventurers, explorers. They take chances. Whereas women are more attracted to safety, and they tend to accept established hierarchies. To depart from an established hierarchy is risky. And you can easily, as we all know, what happens when you get outside, you become a dissident and so on. And things can really go south.
[00:02:44] And so they become sort of gatekeepers, or they try to enforce boundaries. George Orwell has a really great saying talking about the Communist Party. It was always the women, and above all the young women, who were the most bigoted adherents of the party. Swallers of slogans. The amateur spies and milters out of unorthodoxy.
[00:03:11] And that makes a lot of sense to me, that you defend this established hierarchy. And, you know, that's a real problem. And they obviously, the most powerful, visible status hierarchy is taught in the schools. It's preached in the media. It's on the left. And these boundaries are quite clear. And they're getting, you know, there are more and more penalties involved. And attempts to get people to squelch on other people.
[00:03:41] The other one, a trait that's very important, is love nurturance. And this makes women more nurtured, you know, for children and so on. And so that, for example, when there's an earthquake in Haiti or something, women are the ones that want to adopt these children. I'm thinking of Amy Coney Barrett, you know, who's turning out to be more of a liberal than a conservative.
[00:04:08] You know, they are very much into do-gooding, advocating for black people. They're prone to accepting blacks as poor and academically deficient because of racism and that sort of thing. Not stupidity. And not just accepting you with IQ or genetics or anything like that. And in social science, women are more likely to favor studies that have sort of liberal implications, liberal left implications.
[00:04:37] You know, like, you know, it's all racism or something like that. Relevance and scientific rigor. Men are more likely to, you know, think that scientific rigor is very important, whereas women less so. The other system that I studied a lot was fear. And women are more prone to fears and phobias and anxiety disorders and that sort of thing.
[00:05:03] And, again, getting outside the established hierarchy is scary. And it's scary for me at one time, you know, because you are going to be disowned. And, you know, women just love nurturers and women are more social. And they value social relationships more. And they worry more about what other people think about them. And so this tends to make them vote in a more liberal direction.
[00:05:35] As long as liberals are ascendant, wouldn't you? Yeah, exactly. If the conservatism was ascendant, they would be trying to latch on to the conservative message. That's right. And I think that comes for a lot of these regional differences, that the South is more conservative and also has been.
[00:05:57] And the other thing I would note about these regional differences is very influenced by a book called Albion Seed by David Hackett Fisher, who's a professor and historian at Harvard. And he talks about these regional differences that are still very important in the United States. You know, the Puritans came to New England. They tend to be sort of liberal.
[00:06:23] They were the established elite in this country until the Jews, descendants of the Jews after World War II, especially. And they tend to be kind of liberal. And you still see that. These New England states voting Democrat now. And they were the ones that spearheaded the anti-slavery movement and all that.
[00:06:46] And the other one, you know, the Southerners, you know, they stemmed from these displaced, distressed cavaliers, more aristocratic English group. And, you know, they had adventured servants back when. They had slaves and that sort of thing. And then certainly more conservative culture.
[00:07:11] And the other group is the Scots-Irish, you know, and they tended to be, you know, going to the backcountry, very militaristic. I mean, they fought over this border wars in England and Scotland for centuries. Very militaristic. And these are the guys that are the first to enlist, you know, in the military. It's a long military tradition. And so a lot of these regional differences are still there. And remarkably so, actually.
[00:07:41] After all this time. And they're still with us. Well, Kevin. I think, yeah. Well, I was just going to ask you this while we're on this topic, obviously. And this is the topic of the hour. This poll that you have published. Rather, not the poll, but this article that Brad and Courtney. By the way, Brad and Courtney worked on this for months. This was not something that was put together very quickly. They had been working on this.
[00:08:06] I mean, the idea was hatched right after the last election when they saw these exit polls. And then they've been working on it for quite a while. And it dropped. And when they were finally ready for it to be published, it dropped almost simultaneously with this cooperative election study of 2024. And it examines the Trump vote share in 2024 exclusively among white respondents. So we're only talking about white people.
[00:08:32] But in this one, the cooperative data study, they are grouping white men and women together. And I would ask you to reconcile everything you have just said, which is certainly very valid, with these statistics. And I'm just going to go to the extremes of the postgraduate white man or woman versus the high school educated or less white man or woman. And this is with regards to attendance in church.
[00:09:00] And out of postgraduates who never attend church, 18% of those white respondents voted for Trump. Of postgraduates who attend church weekly, 68% of postgraduates who attend church weekly voted for Trump. Out of whites who have a high school degree or less and never attend church, 50% voted for Trump.
[00:09:23] Out of high school educated white men and women or less in terms of their academic advancement who went to church every week, 83% voted for Trump. So again, and with the South, you have the most religious portion of the population very clearly. How much of this plays, obviously it plays a role. Why does it play such a role? And how is it playing such a role? And what can we learn from it?
[00:09:47] Yeah, well, I do think that the conservatism of the South does stem from, you know, what David Hackett Fisher says about all being seen. That it goes back to this conservative tradition. And, you know, certainly religiosity tends to make people more conservative in our country. Unless, well, now you've got these mainline Protestant groups that are very liberal.
[00:10:16] A lot of them come out of that Puritan tradition. And whereas evangelicals, much less so. And you have, you know, the other thing is the college education. You know, this is where there's so much propaganda and so much emphasis on conformity to these lectist doctrines. And so I do think they come out of their sort of propagandize, shall we say.
[00:10:44] And especially women, especially young women, are prone to this. They are very much on the left. And they want careers, abortions. They want all these things. And so, yeah, I mean, I do think that sex differences are still there.
[00:11:07] You can see that in all of Brad's things, with the exception of those southern states, some of the three southern states where women were actually more conservative. But in general, women tend to be more on the left, more liberal, especially if they're college educated, especially if they're not married. Being married, you know, I do think that women do conform to the values of their husband significantly.
[00:11:36] And so, you know, they become more conservative likely. Steve Saylor has made that point. Emphasizes especially if women have children, you know, they tend to be much more conservative. Because then they've got a family. They've got a real stake in the society. They don't want their kids to turn on transgender and all that.
[00:12:01] So, yeah, I do think that being religious, going to church every week tends to be conservative. And where I live up here in Idaho, you know, you can see that. You know, we're a very conservative part of the country. And a lot of religious people, unfortunately, a lot of them are sort of evangelicals and they love Israel. They display Israeli flags, for God's sakes. But, yeah.
[00:12:31] Well, you know, and that's certainly a pitfall. That is certainly, and listen, nobody knows better than I, and we talk about it all the time. But that is something that needs to be corrected. However, the other stuff is very good. But, Keith, a quick question from you to Kevin. And then I want to talk to Kevin about something that he brought up to me this week that I definitely want to ask him about on the show. We only have him for 30 minutes. And then we got Brad Griffin in the next half hour of this hour. So go quick, Keith. Okay.
[00:12:58] I was listening to your comments, and two things that came up in my mind were the tendency of women to be nest builders. And anything that gets in the way of building their nest is the enemy. Right. And that's why they go with the prevailing thought in the community regarding what is the right position to take and what isn't. And as far as colleges and things like this, how do we get colleges out of the iron grip of the left?
[00:13:27] Well, I'll tell you what. Between Kevin McDonald this hour and Ricardo Duchesne in the next hour, we got two that can certainly testify. Do you have an answer for that one, Kevin? That's a tough nut to crack right there. Yeah. Well, I do think that women are much more nurtured. And so they become protected. That's why I say when women get married and have children, they become a lot more conservative.
[00:13:56] I mean, the most liberal, radical women are unmarried and they're unhappy. And they become lesbians and this and that. Yeah. And so I'm not surprised at that at all. I mean, I think that there's this nurturance thing that does make women more conservative when they have a family and little children. They got to think about the future.
[00:14:21] And they got to think about, unfortunately, a lot of these people don't really think about the prospects for their sons, you know, that this has become a culture that hates white males. And to some extent, even now white females. And we see all these people, for example, like the No College Club. You see white people saying, there's not any jobs for me if I go to college based on the credentials. A lot of student debt, loan debt.
[00:14:48] So what I'm going to do is give up white collar employment and go for blue collar employment. And I think that's a terrible development because there's a lot of talent there that's not going to be consistently slotted into the economy. Well, let me let me just say this very quickly. If the prevailing knowledge is that white women do vote and in 47 out of the 50 states, they did vote less for Trump than the men.
[00:15:17] But if we also know, as a result of what Courtney and Brad have put together here, that the the impact of faith, of culture can have on on women. And as you say, here in the South, it is sort of the dominant political ideology. Then let's examine ways that we can improve our people collectively. And there is a lot of things to parse from this piece of research that one thing.
[00:15:47] One of the problems that we had in the South, though, Kevin, is this. We lost so many battles in the 50s and 60s on civil rights that a lot of Southerners developed a kind of Stockholm syndrome. You know, if you can't beat them, join them. Well, maybe. But then that seems to be, you know, filtering out now. Obviously not too many compared with these voting statistics. But anyway, Kevin, you were going to respond to that before Keith jumped in. And then I want to shift gears very quickly.
[00:16:13] I'm just going to suggest that Trump is trying to do some things with the universities. Now, he's doing it because of supposed anti-Semitism. But he is withholding funds. He is trying to get tax exemption away from Harvard. I mean, Harvard has a $53 billion endowment. My God, you know, they are extremely wealth. They're like a hedge fund with a university attached to it. Yeah, that's what they've been called. Yeah, yeah, absolutely.
[00:16:43] And so, but I think, you know, money is the way to do this. And, you know, state universities would be especially susceptible to that. Money talks in BS walks, as they say. Yeah, and cutting off some of these grants, the scientific, so-called scientific grants, all this leftist pseudoscience would really help. You know, the National Endowment for the Arts. And I think I saw today that he was going to defund a lot of that.
[00:17:12] The National Endowment for the Arts and Humanities. Yeah, you know. And the arts. And the humanities. Well, this is actually something that, Kevin, I'm so glad you mentioned that. This is something that came in today that I just saw from a listener that he is going to, well, this is another executive order. I'm so glad you mentioned it. And I got to move quickly on this because I want you to mention the possibility for a new elite. This is an executive order that targets NPR and PBS.
[00:17:40] Our friend Sam Dixon is going to be upset about this because he listens to NPR a lot to see what the enemy is up to. But this is an excerpt from the executive order. The Corporation for Public Broadcasting's governing statute reflects principles of impartiality. The Corporation for Public Broadcasting may not contribute to or otherwise support any political party.
[00:18:04] The Corporation for Public Broadcasting fails to abide by these principles to the extent it subsidizes NPR and PBS. Neither entity presents a fair, accurate, or unbiased portrayal of current events to taxpaying citizens. I therefore, this is Donald Trump's executive order, I therefore instruct the Corporation for Public Broadcasting Board of Directors and all executive departments and agencies to cease funding, federal funding for NPR and PBS. So, Kevin, let's use this as a pivot point here.
[00:18:33] So, this is just an incredible executive order that was dated May 1st. We were just talking in the last hour about Trump's executive order targeting disparate impact. So, here we are. I want to ask you two things. I want to ask you two things. Number one, maybe spend 30 seconds, maybe a minute on this because we are at the 100-day mark of Trump's administration. What is your grade on Trump overall?
[00:18:56] And then secondly, let's pivot into your vision for the possibility, at least, for a new elite. Go. Well, there's certainly a lot of good things that Trump is doing on DEI and, you know, these things we're just talking about now. But, of course, they'll all be litigated, and they're going to go through the courts, and it's going to take a while. But this is something you have to do. Birthright citizenship. What a great thing to bring up. Finally, we kept talking about it in his first term. He never did it.
[00:19:26] And I think he's gotten wise to this sort of thing. So, I'm optimistic about Trump. I think that, you know, this could be a sea change in American politics. I hope it is. I think he wants to be a transformational president. But, yeah, he's going to – those are the kinds of things. And you talk about the National Endowment for the Arts and Humanities. Those are major funding sources for universities.
[00:19:52] I mean, and then you have, you know, National Institute of Health and all that, and they fund all these things for transgenders and all this stuff. There's money flowing in there. I think the result of this has been, Kevin, that he had that Agenda 25 where he basically got manned up on all of these issues and got experts in place in case he got elected. And apparently those people have been doing a great job.
[00:20:21] Doge is probably the bellwether group that was put together in anticipation of winning. And they have – I mean, they've made a big change. Well, if Kevin McDonald is giving Trump a passing grade, people should stand up and take notice. But, again, Kevin, he's doing things that I could have never imagined that he would even recognize, much less act on. So – and you were saying that perhaps even this could be so transformative that a new elite could emerge. What do you mean by that?
[00:20:51] Well, I think we saw in the last election that, first of all, there's enough money there. I mean, you know, I write about Jewish power and Jewish domination. If they were – after World War II, they became a new elite. But, you know, you can imagine that there could be a new elite that's not Jewish and not funded by Jews. And, you know, Elon Musk was pivotal in this last election. $290 million he gave to Trump.
[00:21:19] And, you know, he could have given a billion easily. And 21 of the 25 donors to Trump of August, the big donors were not Jews. The only one that was a really big donor for Trump was Miriam Adelson, you know, who's a fanatic Zionist. And Trump is certainly pulling the line on Israel, sadly. Singing out of her hymn book.
[00:21:45] Yeah, I mean, and, you know, the thing about Israel is that it's on both sides of the aisle. And you can't – it could be a problem with several parties. You know what they say in Europe? They say that the Jews like to own both sides of each coin. If we have a conservative leadership come on, I guarantee you'll find plenty of Jews that have become conservatives. Well, we know all that.
[00:22:09] But, again, Kevin, you're relatively high on Trump and this opportunity for a new elite to replace the elite that we know all too well. You believe that there is a possibility that there could be positive change on that front. Yes, well, besides money. Well, you know, money is a key to politics in America, as everybody knows. And certainly Jews are aware of that. And they fund everything, AIPAC and all that. But the other key is media. But the legacy media is declining in influence.
[00:22:37] You know, these people that you're talking about in conservative – they don't read the New York Times. And I read the New York Times just sort of like Sam Dixon to see what the enemy is saying. But, you know, what they're saying is, you know, 10 articles a day on hate Trump. Before the election, it hasn't much stopped after the election. It's absolute, you know, Trump derangement syndrome. But it doesn't matter. They are not as influential as they were. People are not reading them.
[00:23:07] And people are tuning in to podcasts. Joe Rogan, Tucker Carlson. And they're going after Joe Rogan now because, you know, he's had anti-Israel people on there. And all those people have been conservative. He's very anti-transgender and all that kind of stuff. And he interviewed Trump and supported him in the last election. That was huge. He's got all these young men. And it's very macho culture. And Trump is into that, you know.
[00:23:36] It's like ultimate fighting championship and pro wrestling and everything. Those things, you know, they appeal to young men. And I think there's a much more masculine culture. These guys are not going to be prancing around in their transgender outfits. They're just not. And so I'm hopeful about that. So, you know, if you look at the media and the money, those are the two big ingredients for a new elite. They're absolutely the same thing, though, Kevin.
[00:24:06] Kevin, they're also the same thing. Because what I've found is that the left, if they're not lavishly funded, they're not going to come to the dance. That's key because this defunding of the USAID slush fund is going to dry up. They're not people like us who have been like starving dogs doing this all over our lives. We're used to doing this all without any type of lavish funding. And the left is just not going to show up at the ball if they don't get lavish funding. The music is playing.
[00:24:32] I want to tell everyone to support the tip of our spear. And Kevin MacDonald is it. TheOccidentalObserver.net. TheOccidentalObserver.net. A brand new installment of the Culture of Critique has been sent to the publisher. It's coming out soon. More on that to come. Stay tuned. Pursuing Liberty. Using the Constitution as our guide. You're listening to Liberty News Radio.
[00:25:01] News this hour from townhall.com. I'm Jason Walker. What a sight it was in the mud. The 151st running of the Kentucky Derby now in the history books. And sovereignty is your winner. Journalism placed. Baeza was your show horse. More good news for the Trump team. American employees have added a better than expected 177,000 jobs in April
[00:25:26] as the job market showed resilience in the face of President Trump's effort to level out the playing field in international trade. Jobs numbers came in above the economists' expectations for a modest 135,000. A new poll finds Americans seem to like Attorney General Pam Bondi. Here's correspondent Ken Lorman. The latest Rasmussen Report's national telephone and online survey finds that 42% of likely U.S. voters view Bondi favorably,
[00:25:56] 26% holding a very favorable impression. 38% view Bondi unfavorably. 24% aren't sure. And according to the survey, three months into her tenure as America's top law enforcement official, Bondi has made a more favorable impression on voters than her predecessor. Ken Lorman, Washington.
[00:26:18] Also at townhall.com, National Taxpayers Union Foundation says data proves that tax cuts do not disproportionately affect the poor. Going back to Reagan's tax cuts, Bush's tax cuts, and Trump's tax cuts, the tax code is getting more and more progressive. We're shifting a much greater burden of the income tax burden onto the wealthier incomes. And a lot of people, lower-income earners, have been relieved from a lot of that.
[00:26:48] That is spokesman Dominion Brady who made his comments this week to the Salem Radio Network. More on these stories, townhall.com. When you hear the term living better, what do you think about? More money, a bigger house, maybe a yacht? What about how you feel physically? How do you wake up each day? How do you sleep during the night? What activities you can and cannot do? When you feel good, life is good. So if pain is affecting your life, see how Relief Factor can help.
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[00:28:41] Remember, there are no strangers here, just friends who haven't met yet. Well, Dixie Republic, we're not just a roadside attraction. We're a destination for our people. For more information, visit DixieRepublic.com. Hey there, TPC family. This is James Edwards, your host of the Political Cesspool.
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[00:30:13] Double trouble this hour. Folks, coming to you, our first show in ten weeks that has not been either March Around the World or Confederate History Month, and we are busting the gates wide open tonight. Still to come, another doctoral professor who has paid the price like our friend Kevin McDonald, Dr. Ricardo Duchesne from Canada, will be on to talk about his trials and tribulation
[00:30:40] as a tenured professor at the University of New Brunswick up there in the Great White North and his brand new book, Greatness and Ruin, published by Antelope Hill. And Antelope Hill will also be publishing Kevin McDonald's new installment of the Culture of Critique series. This is something that we had a direct hand in. We had a direct hand in this, and I'm very proud to say it.
[00:31:04] Kevin had told me back around Christmas time that he was just about done writing this new revised version of the Culture of Critique, and he was going to self-publish, and he was going to do all this, but he needed help with this. And, you know, the proofreading and all of this was – and I said, Kevin, let me just – let me make a call. And then I called him back, and I said, you know, would you be okay with Antelope Hill doing this? And I got – within an hour, I had yours truly, Kevin McDonald,
[00:31:34] and Antelope Hill Publishing on a three-way call, and the rest is history, and they have received the final manuscript, and they are in the editing and proofreading stage, and that is coming out soon, and we're very excited about that. But first, this is a story so nice we covered it twice in back-to-back weeks last week with Courtney from Alabama, whose idea it was to put forth this data and this research. This investigation. How did white men and women vote in 2024?
[00:32:03] Brad was a huge help to her in this endeavor, and it is now everywhere. There are AMREN, TOO, OD, UNS Review, and more. So, Brad, I would say to that, congratulations as you make the Victory Lab. This was a very important piece, I think, of research and data. Well, thanks for having me, James. Yeah, we worked very hard on it, and I know Courtney deserves the vast majority of the credit.
[00:32:29] This was – you and her got this going. I'm just overjoyed that it got so much publicity and everyone's talking about it, that you have AMREN talking about it, you have Oxenal Observer talking about it. And it really is a conversation that I believe that needs to be had, because I think it's a – one of the biggest problems, I think, in our movement is that,
[00:32:57] you know, there's so much hatred for white women in some circles, you know, constant criticism. And I think, like, that really needed to be put in perspective, and that was the – Well, let's get to it. Well, let's get right to it then on that, and that is the fact that it would appear,
[00:33:21] and it would appear by empirical evidence, statistics, that region and, yes, Christianity plays more of a role than gender nationwide with regards to how white men and women vote. And, by the way, by the way, I mean, Trump only received about 60% of the white vote. Okay, that's men and women combined.
[00:33:48] It was in the low 60%, you know, 61%, 62%. Now, of course, because whites are still the majority to such an extent that they can negate the Hispanics and the blacks, we're at 13%, but still, I mean, white men left a lot on the table, too. Let's let that be said loud and clear. I mean, I absolutely agree there are. I mean, there are obviously, you know, psychological differences between men and women,
[00:34:17] but the question is whether that is as great as cultural differences, regional differences, differences in education. I think you and Dr. McDonald got into a lot of that. But, I mean, to me, I mean, it's just absolutely crystal clear that culture and education are the real story here. And that was seen in the article.
[00:34:42] I mean, one thing that we covered is that support for Trump among white women in states like Alabama, Mississippi, I think Georgia was the other one, exceeded 80%. And in some states, right here in Alabama, the white women actually outvoted the men. But on places like the West Coast, you know, it wasn't even, even white men didn't even vote 50% for Trump. So, well, what's that a gap up there?
[00:35:12] And, of course, if whites had voted like every other race, well, and the Hispanics, of course, broke pretty substantially this year. And a lot of white, you know, I think Hispanic men, a little bit over 50% for Trump. Hispanic women, much lower. Blacks, obviously, almost overwhelmingly, almost universally for Kamala. But if whites voted like blacks, I mean, it wouldn't even be a problem. But you've got a lot of white men who are not doing their duty either. Keith, very quickly. Yeah, I was going to say this.
[00:35:38] Do you think that this disparity regionally indicates that we really do need to have secession? We talked about that last week. By the way, Courtney was wrapping up our Confederate History Month coverage last week. And this was, yes, I mean, if you have a culture that is fundamentally different from your geographical surroundings, that is the prerequisite and the first one for independent nation states. Well, here's – we were talking about this during the break.
[00:36:08] But here's a new poll that I even mentioned on my website that really just crystallizes, I think, the discussion you've had so far. So it's been 100 days of Trump, right? And nothing has really changed according to this poll. This is a Pew poll since the election. And the Pew poll found that by 70 point – over a 70 point margin, white evangelical Protestants support Trump after 100 days, right?
[00:36:36] Now, if you look at whites with no religion, it's 70 percent in the opposite direction. And that by 70 point margin, whites who are irreligious disapprove of Trump. So, I mean, right there, that's what you call polarization in America. Now, as to secession and the question of whether the South has a separability, of course.
[00:37:03] And it's because of this gap that, you know, there's two Americas that live in totally different universes and see things completely differently. And it's – I believe – I'm metricly opposed. Yeah, yeah, it's Protestant on the one hand and it's irreligious on the other with Catholics more mixed but, like, leading more towards the Protestant side. All right.
[00:37:32] All right. This is something I wanted to get into. This is it, Brad. So, this – we have a lot of friends who are not practicing Christians or nonbelievers but are certainly very much respectful for the – Christian ethics. The faith that gave birth, you know, to the West in many ways.
[00:37:58] And if people are thinking, you know, are you talking about this guest or that guest? I'm not talking about anyone who's appeared on this program. In terms of the anti-Christian bit that we see on online and on social media coming from ostensibly white activists. I mean, I think –
[00:38:23] It's what we used to call C&E Christians Christmas and Easter, but they're not anti-Christian the way that the left coast and the northeast are. All right. But that's not it. But, I mean, I see what you're saying. But what I'm saying is if Christianity did not exist on this continent, what would the country look like? And would that be better for white interests? That's the question. I mean, it's amazing you'd even have to ask a question like that.
[00:38:52] I mean, if you want to know – if you want to have a glimpse of what the country would look like with that – let's say we subtracted just one group, white evangelical Protestants, right? That's at least, what, over a third of Trump's voters' base. The whole country shifts dramatically. Mathematically, Arkansas would be in play if that group disappeared.
[00:39:19] So the people who go on about Christianity, I just don't understand it. Like if you look at people who are right-wing in this country, right? Well, the right is – half of people on the right are Protestants. It's over 80 percent who are Christian. And of the people who are irreligious who are on the right, they're the ones who are the most moderate.
[00:39:44] Well, this is – so avowed atheists, avowed atheists who are outspokenly pro-white are very much a tiny outlier. Right. And I mean, to say the least, and I'm not talking about – again, I'm not talking about people who are honest and good people who value white Western Christian civilization but who are not practicing Christians. You know, I work with these people all the time. I respect them, and they are my friends, and I'll close ranks with them.
[00:40:11] So, you know, I'm not talking about anyone who's even appeared on the program before, but you see them, again, as I said, on social media. And, again, what does the country look like? Much, much worse. Frankly, frankly, Brad, the fall of our nations throughout the Western world has coincided with the turn from Christianity. And I know all about the pitfalls of the modern churches. We talk about that all the time.
[00:40:35] But still, but still, if it were not for the faith-based voters in this country, you would have that because there are very few atheists who are pro-white. I mean, very few. Single digits. Right, right, right. It's just – you know, it's a – it's a lot of these people who are, like, so critical of Christianity. I mean, they don't – the problem is they don't see themselves as outliers, right?
[00:41:01] Not just an outlier, but an extreme outlier, whereas maybe one out of every 100 atheists who are white, you know, end up in the far-right politics. The other 99 – They make a lot of noise, though. Yeah, yeah, I know. Well, they make a lot of – do you believe that it would be possible that a pro-white – that atheists could lead a pro-white movement to success?
[00:41:28] Some people will say that, oh, look in Europe, you know, look at Germany. The best I could – the best way I could put that case is some people will say that, well, the AFD is based in East Germany, and East Germany is the atheist portion of Germany. But, you know, even – is AFD even, like, as radical as the Trump's Republican Party? I don't think so. Like, not even close.
[00:41:57] Their leader is a – Lesbo. Well, a lesbian – a lesbian who's in an interracial relationship. So I'm not very impressed, to put it mildly. I don't – I don't think so. All right. So you wrote this, Brad. You wrote this on occidentaldessent.com. It has gotten to the point where non-white evangelicals are breaking – non-white? Two words. Non-white evangelicals are breaking 50-50 for Trump.
[00:42:27] Liptards are bleeding support among non-white working-class voters because their insane secular cultural values keep undermining their race replacement political strategy. They are making the mistakes we would want them to make. Yes. That's what it often says. That's exactly the paradox I've brought up. You know, all these people were brought into the country, you know, to – it's true, to replace the white conservative population.
[00:42:53] But what they didn't bank on is that, you know, their extreme cultural views would be so toxic, it would alienate, you know, even the rising non-white majority, especially Hispanics, Asians, even blacks now.
[00:43:09] Like, for example, I'm in Georgia right now, and according to that study that just came out, half of black evangelicals in a state like Georgia voted for Trump. That is – I can't believe it, right? That's mind-boggling. I'll have to check that again. I mean, I guess – We'll double check that again. The transgender stuff, I guess, I guess –
[00:43:35] But you think that's what made a big difference in Georgia flipping back to Trump this time? Oh, yeah, definitely, because he picked up a lot of support amongst – the country is becoming more polarized on religion and culture. And it's – over the last 10 or 15 years, it's become less racially polarized. And that's mainly because secular whites have these extreme views.
[00:44:02] Now, we hear all the time about how women are the problem, and getting back to the focus of the article, but it's actually – we know it's white women who are irreligious, white women who are college-educated. And you go to a place like Mississippi, you look at fundamentalist Baptists in rural areas and who go to church every weekend, and it's like, what, 99% of them voted for Trump? It depends.
[00:44:30] You know, everything turns on culture and religion. Your research and Courtney's research just paired so perfectly with that cooperative survey that dropped at the exact same time. Very quick, Keith. Well, you know, the idea that if you go to college, you're going to be not a Christian, you know, that certainly doesn't apply in Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee. We shared those statistics in the last half hour with Kevin.
[00:44:58] The thing is, we've got to understand that, you know, why do people that are irreligious keep getting pushed to the forefront by the media as being spokesmen for our positions? Because they're not. They are allies. Who are we talking about? Laura Loomer, Joe Rogan, people like this. All right, all right. That's a good answer. That's a good answer. I was wondering who you were talking about and you answered it. So there's that. Brad?
[00:45:27] Yeah. I mean, like, well, one of the things that was revealing that I think from the article was, you know, the finding that it's even like on the West Coast. There's not really that much difference between white men and women. The white women there are liberal because the white men are liberal.
[00:45:45] And in the Northeast was the only real exception where states like Rhode Island, for example, where there was a real big swing amongst white women. Whereas, you know, more white men voted for Trump and white women voted for Harris in opposite directions. That seems to be like a very regional thing. Otherwise, you know, it tends to track.
[00:46:09] And some people have suggested that perhaps, you know, we'll never know if this is true. This is anecdotal. But in states like Massachusetts, where, you know, in advance, the Republicans are never going to win. The most some right thinking people just stay home. They don't even bother to go out and vote because they know it's not in play. There could be some of that. But let me ask you this, Brad, the biggest takeaway. So this is this is again, Courtney and Brad teaming up.
[00:46:38] How did white men and women vote in 2024? It has been all around the Internet and by this point has received tens of thousands of views on all of the sites that have posted it. And happy to do our part here at TPC to make sure that it did get some of that coverage. It would have made an impact no matter what. But always happy to assist. The biggest takeaways from this data that you and Courtney compiled.
[00:47:06] I likened you to a minor last week, Brad, not a M.I.N.O.R., but a M.I.N.E.R. If you put a hard hat on you and give you a pickaxe and send you into a data mine, we're all going to be rich. So the biggest takeaways from this research and what issues this is, I think, the most important question. What issues did this article raise or settle?
[00:47:37] That other people weren't really looking at. I think I think there's a lot of, you know, people blame, you know, white women for, you know, Trump losing or Trump winning or everything. Everything is the problem of white women when actually, you know, the more you dig down into it, it's you see it's religion. It's culture. It's education. And that's that's true. That's true. I mean, it's a very important emphasize.
[00:48:06] This is true of men as well. Right. Look at like how did white atheists men on the West Coast vote? Like overwhelmingly, you know, for Kamala. It wasn't like white men were 90 percent for Trump and white women were, you know, 52 percent. I mean, it was it white men did not do their part either. And now it is true that in 47 states, white women voted a little bit less. But I think, again, putting the spotlight as you did and as Courtney did, putting the spotlight on cultural.
[00:48:36] And I mean, how do you separate one's faith? How do you separate Christianity in the South from the culture of the South? I mean, one forms the other again. So was it faith? Was it culture? How do you how do you answer that? Well, in my section of the article, one thing I wanted to do is I wanted to look at how white evangelical Protestants, people who are, you know, like Baptists or who live outside the South, see how they voted. Right.
[00:49:03] To see if it was cultural and or it was regional. But one thing I found is in states like Colorado, Oregon, Washington. No, no. White evangelical Protestants voted overwhelmingly for Trump there, too. Maybe not as pronounced as in the South, but, you know, in the 60s and the 70s. So if it was if it was if it was just white evangelical Protestants in Oregon or Colorado voting, in those states would be solid red states.
[00:49:33] They're not because of the number of irreligious people who live there. They're white. That's the issue. Well, the interior West is more like the South. I think there are a lot of refugees from Reconstruction that settled that way, because if you go look at these old movies, all the Westerners had Southern accents. But Courtney mentions that. And then, of course, Colorado, contemporary Colorado was the first state to legalize marijuana.
[00:50:00] And so you've got a lot of refugees from California show up. We got some criticism about transplants. And it's like I can't think of anyone who knows more and, you know, is, you know, thinks about transplants. And Courtney, I mean, of course, well, of course, we acknowledge that transplants are, you know, transplants. Transplants are true everywhere. Well, I mean, but I mean, it's true in Colorado. But it didn't.
[00:50:30] But there wasn't there were no transplants. And there are good people from blue states who have moved to the South since COVID. There's no doubt about that. And and that's that's that's that's known. But it didn't. There's not a single red state in the South that turned red because of these transplants. No, no, no. All the transplants have made everything more purplish or, you know, it's just the fewest.
[00:50:59] The states with the fewest transplants are the ones, you know, where, you know, it's overwhelming, like Alabama, Mississippi. Well, you know, exactly. Exactly. Exactly. Because they've both been mostly moving to Texas and Florida and, you know, to a lesser extent. Tennessee has been getting a lot of them. North Carolina and Tennessee. Yeah, Tennessee and North Carolina. But but they're all red and they were red before and they're still red now. But now this is something that you have pointed out first, Brad.
[00:51:22] You were at least the first that I ever saw pointed out of that when the new census comes out, people are saying, you know, this, this, this and this. But when the new census comes out and you get the electoral vote realignment, a lot of these southern states are going to gain strength in the electoral college. And the blue states are going to lose it because of this mass exodus. So that's going to be interesting. Yeah. Yes.
[00:51:48] In 2032, it's projected that a Democrat could, you know, win Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan and still lose. And another thing that's even more killing and shocking to me is like we were talking about how things are becoming more polarized across religious lines and that, you know, black Protestants, Hispanic Protestants or even non white Catholics, you know, are voting more Republican.
[00:52:14] So I thought, you know, for sure, states like Georgia would be gone. But but if, you know, that changes and, you know, it comes down from, you know, blacks voting, not something crazy like black women voting like 96 percent Democrat, you know, that could it could, you know, the future couldn't be completely the opposite of what we thought it would be. You know, a permanent Democrat majority is completely vanished. Hey, get into church, folks.
[00:52:45] Yeah, I agree. You know, and I said that, Brad, you know how I plagiarize. I don't plagiarize like Martin Luther King because he never gave attribution. I always say, you know, this is Brad's idea. But last week, last week in Michigan, I was quoting you, Brad, with attribution, of course. And I mentioned this and I mentioned this about this realignment that's going to come. And, of course, mentioned my past in the church and some questions in the Q&A came up about that.
[00:53:13] And they said one of the comments was, let's make a going church going to church Christian again. And but I think anybody has a reason not to go to the official church. It would be James after what. Well, I love it. But he is a Christian, regardless of whether that church denomination is or not. Well, I mean, we all close ranks with the people in the pews, not the head table. And so anyway, Brad, this is just an astonishing and wonderful thing that you and Courtney have done.
[00:53:41] It has really shined a spotlight on issues that people were all too quick to dismiss. Women are the ones bringing people down. No, no, no. It is lack of Christian faith. It is lack of there's cultural differences between the regions that make up America. White men could do a lot better, too. It has been everywhere the last two weeks. That is why or the last week, that's why we've covered it two weeks in a row. Brad, thank you so much. OccidentalDissent.com. Final word to you, Brad.
[00:54:11] The music playing. We got about 15 seconds before we go to Ricardo Duchesne in the third hour. Last word to you, my friend. Oh, I would just say that, you know, I think there's a little bit of a consensus here that with Dr. McDonald, that, you know, religion, education, culture, you know, it's very important. So it's not really much for this year in the moment. They parse it well, Brad and Courtney do. In this article, how did white men and women vote in 2024? Courtney from Alabama. Brad Griffin as Hunter Wallace in this article. All over the place.
[00:54:40] Two weeks in a row here on TPC. Thank you, Brad. Thank you, Courtney. We'll be back on Ricardo Duchesne. Thank you, brother. Nice talk to you, Dave. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.